Vita Caroli IV: VITA CAROLI IV

Secundis sedentibus in thronis meis binis, binas mundi vitas agnoscere et meliorem eligere. Cum binam faciem in enigmate respicimus, memoriam de ambabus vitis habemus. Quia sicut facies, que videtur in speculo, vana et nichil est, ita et peccatorum vita nichil est.

With the seconds seated upon my twin thrones, to recognize the twin lives of the world and to choose the better. When we gaze upon a twofold face in an enigma, we have a remembrance of both lives. For just as the face that is seen in a mirror is vain and nothing, so also the life of sinners is nothing.

Unde Aquilaris in evangelio ait: "Et sine ipso factum est nichil". Quomodo autem factum est nichil peccatoris opus, cum ipse id fecerit? Peccatum uero fecit, sed non opus. Opus denominatur ab optacione, et peccator semper optat delicias et inquinatur per eas.

Whence Aquilaris in the Gospel says: "And without him nothing was made." But how, then, was the sinner’s work made nothing, since he himself did it? He made sin, indeed, but not a work. A work is denominated from optation, and the sinner always opts for delights and is defiled through them.

Fraudatur vero in desiderio suo, quia corruptibilia desiderat, que ad nichilum rediguntur. Et sic sepelitur vita sua cum ipso; quia cum carnalia corrumpuntur, desideria sua finiuntur. De secunda autem vita ait Aquilaris: "Quod factum est in ipso, vita erat, et vita erat lux hominum." Quomodo autem faciemus vitam in eo, ut vita sit lux nostra, docet nos salvator dicens: "Qui manducat carnem meam et bibit sanguinem meum, in me manet et ego in eo." Qui vivunt de tali cibo spirituali, manent in eternum." Quomodo de ipso vivant, advertamus.

But he is defrauded in his desire, because he desires corruptible things, which are reduced to nothing. And thus his life is buried with himself; because when carnal things are corrupted, his desires come to an end. But concerning the second life Aquilaris says: "What was made in him was life, and the life was the light of men." But how we may make life in him, so that the life may be our light, the savior teaches us, saying: "He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood abides in me, and I in him." Those who live from such spiritual food remain forever. Let us take note how they live from him.

Nonne si carnaliter varia cibaria et corruptibilia comedimus, appetitum ad ea nos oportet habere, et interiora nostra amplecti desideranter, et ea mittere per organa corporis nostri, ut convertantur in sanguinem; ut spiritus, qui in sanguine manet, [cum) vita nostra inibi possit manere? Sed quia carnalia corruptibilia sunt, homo moritur. Qui autem comedit cibum illum spiritualem, de quo anima vivit: nonne oportet, quod homo in anima sua illum appetat et desideranter recipiat, ac diligenter in caritate amplectatur, ut scintille illius cibi fervore dulcedinis et amoris in eo generentur, in quibus anima nutrimentum suum habeat vitale, et in eo maneat?

Surely, if we carnally eat various foods and corruptible things, we must have an appetite for them, and embrace them desirously in our inner parts, and send them through the organs of our body, so that they may be converted into blood; that the spirit, which remains in the blood, [with) our life may be able to remain therein? But because carnal things are corruptible, man dies. Yet whoever eats that spiritual food, from which the soul lives: is it not needful that the man in his soul should desire it and receive it with desire, and diligently embrace it in charity, so that sparks of that food, by the fervor of sweetness and love, may be generated in him, in which the soul may have its vital nutriment and remain in it?

Et sicut in illo nutrimento nil corruptum est, ita manentes in ipso carent omni corrupcione, et vivent in eternum. Quod salvator affirmat, dicens Johannis VIo: "Hic est panis vivus de celo descendens, et si quis de ipso manducaverit, non morietur in eternum." Vita eterna est lux hominis, que sine deo effici non potest. Et ideo dicit idem Aquilaris: "Et vita erat lux hominum", quoniam aliam vitam reputat mortem.

And just as in that nourishment there is nothing corrupted, so those abiding in it lack all corruption, and will live for eternity. Which the Savior affirms, saying in John 6: "This is the living bread descending from heaven, and if anyone shall have eaten of it, he will not die for eternity." Eternal life is the light of man, which cannot be effected without God. And therefore the same Aquilaris says: "And the life was the light of men," since he reckons any other life to be death.

Et vere est mors, quia amarissima est. Quid autem amarius, quam amatores deliciarum et has penas sustinere? Non enim sunt mortui tantum, sed omni hora moriuntur.

And truly it is death, because it is most bitter. But what is more bitter than that lovers of delights sustain these penalties? For they are not only dead, but every hour they die.

Viventes autem in vita eterna bene dicuntur viventes, quia vi morti restiterunt delicias carnales refutando, et ceperunt in premio delicias sempiternas. Sed multi comedunt spiritualem cibum sine appetitu et desiderio et evomunt illum de cordibus suis. Ve illis!

Those living, however, in eternal life are rightly called living, because with force they resisted death by refuting carnal delights, and have received as reward sempiternal delights. But many eat the spiritual food without appetite and desire and vomit it out from their hearts. Woe to them!

quia reatus illorum cum Iuda describitur, et porcio eorum cum Dathan et Abiron, nec proderit animabus ipsorum ad nutrimentum. Nonne cognoscitis, quod si bestia comedit sine appetitu, non provenit ei ad nutrimentum, sed dolore torquetur? Multo magis vos torquebimini, quia pena vestra erit eterna, sicut cibus est eternus.

because their reatus is inscribed with Judas, and their portion with Dathan and Abiron; nor will it profit their souls for nourishment. Do you not recognize that, if a beast eats without appetite, it does not result for it in nourishment, but is tormented with pain? Much more will you be tormented, because your penalty will be eternal, just as the food is eternal.

Quorum vestigia, vos obsecro, cavete, sed in nutrimentum animarum vestrarum cibum illum desiderate recipere et sine ipso nolite vivere, ut in eternum vivatis; et "non in solo pane vivit homo, sed ex omni verbo, quod procedit de ore dei". Nam panis celestis non solum est panis, sed et caro et verbum; que si sola esset, non haberet nutrimentum vite eterne. Quomodo autem ille panis sit caro, ait salvator: "Panis, quem ego dabo, caro mea est." Que caro verbum est, prout Iohannes in evangelio ait: "Et verbum caro factum est." Quod verbum deus erat, de quo idem: "Et deus erat verbum." Et sic iste panis caro, verbum et deus est. Quem panem qui sumere vult, accipere oportet carnem, verbum et deum in illo pane celesti, qui panis angelorum nuncupatur.

Whose footsteps, I beseech you, beware; but for the nutriment of your souls desire to receive that food, and be not willing to live without it, that you may live unto eternity; and "man lives not by bread alone, but by every word which proceeds from the mouth of God." For the celestial bread is not only bread, but also flesh and Word; which, if it were alone, would not have the nutriment of eternal life. But how that bread is flesh, the Savior says: "The bread which I will give is my flesh." Which flesh is the Word, as John says in the Gospel: "And the Word was made flesh." Which Word was God, of whom the same says: "And the Word was God." And thus this bread is flesh, Word, and God. Which bread whoever wishes to take must receive flesh, Word, and God in that celestial bread, which is named the bread of angels.

In sumpcione panis oportet, ut sumatur verbum veritatis. De quo verbo Christus ait: "Ego sum veritas et vita." Qui verbum veritatis non accipit sumendo, non accipit panem illum. Oportet ergo eum, qui panem sumit, carnem sumere.

In the reception of bread it is requisite that the word of truth be taken. Concerning which word Christ says: "I am the truth and the life." He who does not receive the word of truth in the very act of receiving does not receive that bread. It is therefore requisite that he who takes bread take flesh.

Quia cum eum dominus discipulis suis traderet, dixit: "Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur", et sanguinem eiusdem carnis dedit eis dicens: "Hic est calix sanguinis mei novi et eterni testamenti, qui pro multis effundetur." Cum autem homo sumit illam carnem, perdat carnem suam, et tradat eam pro Christo, tollensque crucem suam sequatur eum, ut particeps fiat mortis et passionis eius, participans in futuro gloria nominis sui. Cum autem carnem sumit, oportet eum et panem illum sumere verum, prout ipse ait: "Ego sum panis verus, qui de celo descendi." Confirmavit nobis ipse Christus novum et eternum testamentum per panem illum. De qua confirmacione David canit in psalmo: "Et panis cor hominis confirmet." David autem non inmerito figurative de eterno pane loquitur.

Because when the Lord was handing it over to his disciples, he said: “This is my body, which will be delivered up for you,” and he gave them the blood of that same flesh, saying: “This is the chalice of my blood of the new and eternal testament, which will be poured out for many.” But when a man takes that flesh, let him lose his own flesh and hand it over for Christ, and, taking up his cross, let him follow him, that he may become a participant of his death and passion, participating in the future in the glory of his name. But when he takes the flesh, it is necessary that he also take that true bread, just as he himself said: “I am the true bread, who came down from heaven.” Christ himself confirmed for us the new and eternal testament through that bread. Concerning which confirmation David sings in the psalm: “And let bread confirm the heart of man.” But David not without merit speaks figuratively about the eternal bread.

Nam domus eius Bethlem vocatur, quod interpretatur domus panis. De hac domo voluit deus Christum suum nasci, qui est verus panis. Et ideo nominat eum scriptura de domo David, id est de domo panis.

For his house is called Bethlehem, which is interpreted “house of bread.” From this house God willed his Christ to be born, who is the true bread. And therefore Scripture names him “of the house of David,” that is, from the house of bread.

Confirmet autem ille panis corda et animas vestras in sancta dileccione et caritate sua, ut sic valeatis transire per regna temporalia, ut non amittatis eterna. Amen.

But may that bread confirm your hearts and souls in holy dilection and in his charity, so that you may thus be able to pass through the temporal kingdoms, that you may not lose the eternal. Amen.

Capitulum II.

Chapter 2.

Cum autem regnabitis post me decorati diademate regum, mementote, quod et ego rexi ante vos, et in pulverem redactus sum et in lutum vermium. Similiter vos cadetis transeuntes ut umbra et velud flos agri. Quid valet nobilitas aut rerum affluencia, nisi assit pura consciencia cum fide recta et spe sancte resurreccionis?

But when you shall reign after me, adorned with the diadem of kings, remember that I too ruled before you, and I have been reduced to dust and to the clay of worms. Likewise you will fall, passing like a shadow and like the flower of the field. What avails nobility or the affluence of things, unless there be present a pure conscience with right faith and the hope of the holy resurrection?

Non estimetis vitam vestram sicut impii, non recte cogitantes: cum exiguum sit, quod estis, quia a deo creati et ex nichilo nati sitis et post hoc ad nichilum redigamini, tanquam non fuissetis. Scitote vos habere patrem eternum et filium eius, dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, qui primogenitus est in multis fratribus, qui vos vult participes fieri regni sui, si mandata eius servaveritis, et non inquinaveritis mentes et consciencias, et voluntate sanguinis et carnis vestre efficiemini filii dei, prout Johannes in evangelio dicit: "Dedit eis potestatem filios dei fieri." Si igitur vultis effici filii dei, mandata patris vestri servate, que anunciavit vobis per filium suum, dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, regem celestem, cuius typum et vices geritis in terris. Mandatum vero maius est: "diligere dominum deum ex toto corde et ex tota anima, et proximum sicut semet ipsum." Si ea dileccione deum diligetis, animas vestras, pro ipso ponere non formidabitis, et non timebitis eos, qui corpus quidem possunt interficere, animam vero perdere non valent.

Do not esteem your life as the impious do, not thinking rightly: since what you are is exiguous, because you were created by God and born from nothing, and after this you will be reduced to nothing, as though you had not been. Know that you have the eternal Father and his Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the first-born among many brothers, who wants you to become participants in his kingdom, if you keep his commandments and do not defile minds and consciences, and by the will of your blood and flesh you will be made sons of God, as John says in the Gospel: "He gave to them the power to become sons of God." If therefore you wish to be made sons of God, keep the commandments of your Father, which he announced to you through his Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, the heavenly king, whose type and vicariate you bear on earth. But the greater commandment is: "to love the Lord God out of the whole heart and out of the whole soul, and one’s neighbor as oneself." If with that love you love God, you will not dread to lay down your souls for him, and you will not fear those who indeed can kill the body, but cannot destroy the soul.

Sed timebitis patrem vestrum, qui potens est salvare et mittere in iehennam sempiternam. Si vero in timore domini ambulaveritis, sapiencia vestrum erit inicium, et iudicabitis fratres vestros in iusticia et equitate, prout ipsi iudicari speratis a domino; nec sic deviabitis in devium, quia via domini recta est. Eritque misericordia vestra super egenos et pauperes, prout optatis misericordiam consequi de egestate et fragilitate vestra a domino.

But you will fear your Father, who is powerful to save and to send into eternal Gehenna. If indeed you walk in the fear of the Lord, sapience will be your beginning, and you will judge your brothers in justice and equity, just as you yourselves hope to be judged by the Lord; nor will you thus stray into the bypath, because the way of the Lord is straight. And your mercy will be upon the needy and the poor, just as you desire to obtain mercy from the Lord for your indigence and fragility.

Et sapiencia vestra fortificabitur in robore domini, et ponet ut arcum ereum brachium vestrum et conteretis bella forcia, et cadent impii coram vobis, iusti autem gaudebunt. Cogitaciones quoque inimicorum vestrorum deus dissipabit et docebit vos facere iusticiam et iudicium. Revelabit vobis secreta, scrutinium iustum ostendet vobis et non palliabit vir astutus maliciam suam ante faciem vestram, quia spiritus sapiencie et intellectus domini erit in vobis.

And your sapience will be fortified in the might of the Lord, and he will set your arm like a brazen bow, and you will crush mighty wars, and the impious will fall before you, but the just will rejoice. The cogitations also of your enemies God will dissipate, and he will teach you to do justice and judgment. He will reveal to you secrets, he will show you a just scrutiny, and the astute man will not cloak his malice before your face, because the spirit of sapience and the understanding of the Lord will be in you.

Et velabuntur oculi iniustorum coram vobis, tolletque deus de cordibus eorum verbum, et amentes erunt proposiciones eorum. Iustus autem salvabit vitam suam, sicque erit honor regis, quia honor regis iudicium diligit. Et sceptra vestra florebunt coram domino, quia porrexistis ea lapso et inopem extraxistis de laqueo venancium.

And the eyes of the unjust will be veiled before you, and God will take away the word from their hearts, and their propositions will be demented. But the just man will save his life, and thus there will be the honor of the king, for the honor of the king loves judgment. And your scepters will blossom before the Lord, because you have extended them to the fallen and have drawn the needy out of the snare of hunters.

Diademataque vestra splendebunt, et facies vestre illustrabuntur, quia oculi sapiencium in ipsa respicient et laudabunt dominum dicentes: "Adiciat dominus dies regis super dies eius." In generacione iustorum benedicetur semen vestrum. Avariciam si odio habueritis, affluent vobis divicie; quibus nolite cor apponere, sed thesaurisate vobis sapienciam, quoniam in possessione eius multa dominacio. Avarus autem non dominatur, sed subditus est pecunie dicioni.

And your diadems will be resplendent, and your faces will be made illustrious, for the eyes of the wise will look upon them and will praise the Lord, saying: "May the Lord add the king’s days upon his days." In the generation of the righteous your seed will be blessed. If you hold avarice in hatred, riches will flow in to you in abundance; upon them do not set your heart, but thesaurize for yourselves sapience, since in its possession there is much dominion. The avaricious man, however, does not rule, but is subject to the dominion of money.

Perversa consorcia atque consilia fugite, quia cum sanctis sancti eritis, et cum perversis pervertemini; morbus namque contagiosus est peccatum. Apprehendite igitur disciplinam domini, ne quando irascatur, et pereatis de via iusta, cum in brevi exarserit ira eius. Si peccare vos contigerit, tedeat animam vestram vite vestre, donec recurratis ad fontem pietatis et misericordie.

Flee perverse partnerships and counsels, because with the holy you will be holy, and with the perverse you will be perverted; for sin is a contagious disease. Therefore apprehend the discipline of the Lord, lest at any time he grow wrathful, and you perish from the just way, when shortly his wrath has flared up. If it should befall you to sin, let your soul be wearied of your life, until you run back to the fount of piety and mercy.

Quamquam humanum sit peccare, diabolicum tamen est perseverare. Nolite peccare in spiritum sanctum, peccando in confidenciam dei, quia spiritus dei sanctus elongatur a vobis; putandum est, quod spiritus sanctus peccati zelator est. Non date in vobis locum ire, sed mansuetudini, que mansuetudo vincit iram et paciencia maliciam.

Although it is human to sin, yet to persevere is diabolic. Do not sin against the Holy Spirit, by sinning in confidence of God, because the holy Spirit of God withdraws from you; it must be thought that the Holy Spirit is a zealot against sin. Do not give place within you to ire, but to mansuetude, which mansuetude conquers ire, and patience conquers malice.

Nolite invidere alterutrum, sed caritatem pocius habete invicem, quia invidia generat odium. Qui odit, non amatur, et in furore suo peribit, qui vero caritatem habet, diligit, et est dilectus deo et hominibus. Si exaltari cuperit cor vestrum, humiliate vos, nec veniat vobis pes superbie.

Do not envy one another, but rather have charity mutually, because envy generates odium (hatred). He who hates is not loved, and in his fury he will perish; but he who has charity loves, and is beloved by God and by men. If your heart should desire to be exalted, humble yourselves, and let not the foot of pride come upon you.

Superbia ingrata est creatori et benefactoribus, et ideo non habet superbus graciam nec coram deo nec coram hominibus. Conteret autem eam dominus in fine, deponens potentes de sede et exaltans de pulvere humiles, ut sedeant cum principibus et solium glorie teneant. Nolite crapulari a cibo et potu, sicut faciunt hii, quorum deus venter est, quorum gloria et finis fecium accumulacio est.

Pride is ungrateful to the Creator and to benefactors, and therefore the proud man has no grace either before God or before men. But the Lord will crush it in the end, casting down the powerful from the seat and exalting the humble from the dust, that they may sit with princes and hold the throne of glory. Do not be surfeited with food and drink, as do those whose god is the belly, whose glory and end is the accumulation of feces.

Nolite renes vestros coinquinare, sed lumbos vestros precingite, fortitudine mentis concingimini [coniugium] amplectendo. Quoniam spiritus sanctus effugiet luxurie se dantes, nec habitabit in corporibus subditis peccato. Abstinete vos a malo accidie, ne vos trahat gravedine sua in profundum inferni.

Do not defile your reins, but gird your loins; be girded with the fortitude of mind by embracing [marriage]. For the Holy Spirit will flee those who give themselves to luxury, nor will He dwell in bodies subjected to sin. Abstain from the evil of acedia, lest it draw you by its heaviness into the depth of hell.

Cavete ergo vobis ab omni peccato in etate tenera, quia parvus error in principio magnus erit in fine. Sed ambulate in lege domini sine macula, ut benediccionem accipiatis ab eo, qui ait: "Beati inmaculati in via, qui ambulant in lege domini," ut sitis tamquam lignum, quod plantatum est secus decursus aquarum, quod fructum suum dabit in tempore suo, et folium eius non defluet, sed asscriptum erit in libro vite, ubi asscripta sunt nomina iustorum. Quod vobis prestare dignetur, qui dignus fuit aperire librum et signacula eius.

Therefore beware for yourselves of every sin in tender age, because a small error in the beginning will be great in the end. But walk in the law of the Lord without stain, that you may receive benediction from him who says: "Blessed are the immaculate in the way, who walk in the law of the Lord," that you may be as a tree which is planted beside the courses of waters, which will give its fruit in its own time, and its leaf will not fall, but it will be inscribed in the book of life, where the names of the just are inscribed. May he deign to grant this to you, who was worthy to open the book and its seals.

Capitulum III.

CHAPTER 3.

Successioni vestre diligenter scripsi verba preassumpta sapiencie et timoris dei, quantum mea parvitas divini auxilii capax fuit. Nunc de vana et stulta vita mea vobis scribere cupio, ac de exordio transitus mei mundani, ut cedere vobis valeant in exemplum. Graciam autem michi a deo infusam et amorem studii, quod mei pectoris habuit tenacitas non tacebo; ut tanto magis speretis in divino auxilio in laboribus vobis succurrere, quanto patres et predecessores vestri vobis magis annunciant.

To your succession I have diligently written the premised words of wisdom and of the fear of God, insofar as my smallness was capable of the divine aid. Now I desire to write to you about my vain and foolish life, and about the beginning of my worldly passage, so that they may be able to yield to you as an example. Moreover, I will not keep silent about the grace infused into me by God and the love of study, which the tenacity of my heart possessed; so that you may the more hope that divine aid will succor you in your labors, the more your fathers and predecessors announce it to you.

Nam et scriptum est: "Patres nostri annunciaverunt nobis." Cupio ergo vos non latere, quod Heinricus septimus, Romanorum imperator, genuit patrem meum nomine Johannem ex Margareta, ducis Bravancie filia. Qui duxit uxorem nomine Elyzabeth, filiam Wenceslai secundi, Boemie regis, et obtinuit regnum Boemie cum ea, quia masculinus sexus in progenie regali Boemorum defecerat. Et expulit Heinricum, Karinthie ducem, qui habebat in uxorem sororem seniorem uxoris sue dicte, que mortua est in posterum sine prole, qui regnum Boemie causa eiusdem sororis ante eum obtinebat, prout clarius in cronicis Boemorum continetur.

For it is also written: "Our fathers announced to us." I desire, therefore, that it not be hidden from you, that Henry the Seventh, emperor of the Romans, begot my father named John from Margaret, the daughter of the duke of Brabant. He took as wife a woman named Elizabeth, the daughter of Wenceslaus the Second, king of Bohemia, and obtained the kingdom of Bohemia with her, because the male sex in the royal progeny of the Bohemians had failed. And he expelled Henry, duke of Carinthia, who had to wife the elder sister of his aforesaid wife, who afterward died without issue, who on account of that same sister held the kingdom of Bohemia before him, as is contained more clearly in the chronicles of the Bohemians.

Genuitque idem Johannes, rex Boemie, cum Elyzabeth regina primogenitum suum nomine Wenceslaum anno domini millesimo trecentesimo XVI pridie idus Maii hora prima in Praga. Deinde alium filium nomine Ottogarum, qui in puerili etate decessit. Demum genuit et tercium nomine Johannem.

And the same John, King of Bohemia, with Queen Elizabeth, begot his firstborn, named Wenceslaus, in the year of the Lord 1316, on the day before the Ides of May, at the first hour, in Prague. Then another son named Ottokar, who died in boyhood. Finally he also begot a third, named John.

Habuitque predictus rex duas sorores desponsatas, unam tradidit Ungarorum regi Karoli Primo, que sine liberis mortua est; secundam vero dederat Karolo, Francorum regi. Ipso regnante in Francia anno incarnacionis domini millesimo trecentesimo vicesimo tercio, misitque me meus pater iam dictus ad dictum regem Francie me existente in septimo anno puericie mee; fecitque me dictus rex Francorum per pontificem confirmari et imposuit michi nomen suum equivocum videlicet Karolus et dedit michi in uxorem filiam Karoli, patrui sui, nomine Margaretam dictam Blanczam. Mortuaque est uxor sua, soror patris mei, anno illo sine prole.

And the aforesaid king had two sisters betrothed: one he handed over to Charles the First, king of the Hungarians, who died without children; the second, however, he had given to Charles, king of the Franks. While he himself was reigning in France, in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1323, my aforesaid father sent me to the said king of France, I being in the seventh year of my childhood; and the said king of the Franks had me confirmed by a pontiff and imposed upon me his own namesake (homonymous) name, namely Charles, and he gave me in marriage the daughter of Charles, his paternal uncle, by name Margaret, called Blanche. And his wife, my father’s sister, died in that year without offspring.

Demum idem rex aliam sibi matrimonio copulavit. Dilexitque me prefatus rex valde, et precepit capellano meo, ut me aliquantulum in litteris erudiret, quamvis rex predictus ignarus esset litterarum. Et ex hoc didici legere horas beate Marie virginis gloriose, et eas aliquantulum intelligens cottidie temporibus mee puericie libencius legi, quia preceptum erat custodibus meis regis ex parte, ut me ad hoc instigarent.

Finally that same king joined another to himself in matrimony. And the aforesaid king loved me greatly, and he ordered my chaplain to instruct me somewhat in letters, although the aforesaid king was ignorant of letters. And from this I learned to read the Hours of Blessed Mary, the glorious Virgin, and, understanding them somewhat, I read them more willingly daily during the times of my boyhood, because it had been commanded to my guardians on the king’s part that they should incite me to this.

Rex autem predictus non erat avarus pecunie et utebatur bono consilio et curia ipsius resplendebat senum principum tam spiritualium quam secularium congregacione.

The aforesaid king was not avaricious of money and made use of good counsel, and his court shone with the congregation of elder princes, both spiritual and secular.

Facta est autem magna dissensio inter regem Anglie, qui erat temporibus illis, et inter predictum regem Francie. Rex autem Anglie habebat in uxorem sororem predicti regis, quam idem rex expulit de Anglia una cum filio suo primogenito nomine Eduardo. Que veniens ad fratrem suum permansit in Francia in exilio una cum suo primogenito.

But a great dissension arose between the king of England, who was in those days, and the aforesaid king of France. Now the king of England had to wife the sister of the aforesaid king, whom the same king expelled from England together with her firstborn son named Edward. She, coming to her brother, remained in France in exile together with her firstborn.

Rex vero Francie indignatus propter expulsionem sororis sue et sororini rogavit socerum meum Karolum, patruum suum, ut vindicaret tantam verecundiam progeniei ipsorum factam. Qui assumpto exercitu intravit Aquitaniam, et quasi eam in toto devicit, excepto Burdegalis cum aliquibus fortaliciis sive castris Reversusque dictus Karolus in Franciam triumpho obtento, tradidit filiam filie sue, comitisse Hanonie, sororis mee uxoris, filio predicti regis Anglie Eduardo tempore exilii in uxorem, associataque sibi comitiva misit ipsum in Angliam. Qui invaluit in patrem et captivavit eum, et privavit eum regno, et imposuit sibi diadema.

But the king of France, indignant because of the expulsion of his sister and his nephew, asked my father-in-law Charles, his paternal uncle, to vindicate so great a dishonor done to their progeny. Who, having taken up an army, entered Aquitaine, and as it were conquered it in toto, except Bordeaux with some fortalices or castles. And the said Charles, returning into France, triumph having been obtained, gave the daughter of his daughter, the Countess of Hainaut—my sister—as wife to Edward, the son of the aforesaid king of England, at the time of his exile; and, a comitiva being associated to him, he sent him into England. He prevailed against his father and captured him, and deprived him of the kingdom, and set the diadem upon himself.

Eodem anno interemptus fuit in carceribus pater filii predicti.

In the same year the father of the aforesaid son was slain in prison.

In illo eciam anno mortuus est Karolus, socer meus, et dimisit filium primogenitum nomine Philippum. Eodem quoque anno in purificacione beate Marie obiit Karolus, Francorum rex, relicta uxore pregnante, que peperit filiam. Et cum de consuetudine regni filie non succedant, provectus est Philippus, filius soceri mei, in regem Francie, quia propinquior erat heres in linea masculina.

In that same year also Charles, my father-in-law, died, and he left a firstborn son named Philip. Likewise in that same year, on the Purification of Blessed Mary, Charles, king of the Franks, passed away, leaving his wife pregnant, who bore a daughter. And since by the custom of the kingdom daughters do not succeed, Philip, the son of my father-in-law, was advanced as king of France, because he was the nearer heir in the male line.

Assumpsitque dictus Philippus consiliarios predecessoris sui, sed eorum consiliis minime acquiescens avaricie se contulit. Fuitque unus inter consiliarios suos, vir prudentissimus, Petrus, abbas Fiscanensis, nacione Limovicensis, homo facundus et litteratus, omnique morum honestate circumseptus, qui in die cinerum anno primo regni Philippi missam celebrans sic industriose predicavit, quod ab omnibus fuit commendatus. Ego vero eram in curia predicti regis Philippi, cuius sororem habebam, post mortem predicti Karoli, cum quo fueram quinque annis.

And the said Philip took up the counselors of his predecessor, but, by no means acquiescing in their counsels, he devoted himself to avarice. And there was among his counselors a most prudent man, Peter, abbot of Fécamp, by nation of Limoges, a man eloquent and lettered, and surrounded with every honesty of morals, who, on the Day of Ashes in the first year of Philip’s reign, celebrating Mass, preached so industriously that he was commended by all. I indeed was in the court of the aforesaid King Philip, whose sister I had in marriage, after the death of the aforesaid Charles, with whom I had been for five years.

Placuit autem michi predicti abbatis facundia seu eloquencia in eodem sermone, ut tantam contemplacionem haberem in devocione ipsum audiens et intuens, quod intra me cepi cogitare dicens: Quid est, quod tanta gracia michi infunditur ex homine isto? Cepique demum sui noticiam, qui me multum caritative ac paterne confovebat, de sacra scriptura me sepius informando.

Moreover, the facundity or eloquence of the aforesaid abbot pleased me in that same sermon, to such a degree that I had such contemplation in devotion, listening to him and gazing upon him, that within myself I began to think, saying: What is it, that so great a grace is being poured into me from this man? And at length I made his acquaintance, who was nurturing me very charitably and paternally, frequently informing me from Sacred Scripture.

Fuique duobus annis post mortem Karoli in curia regis Philippi. Post hos duos annos remisit me idem rex cum uxore mea, sorore sua, nomine Blancza, ad patrem meum Johannem, regem Boemie, in civitatem Luczemburgensem, qui comitatus erat patris mei ex successione patris sui divine memorie Heinrici imperatoris. Qui cum esset comes Luczemburgensis, electus fuit in regem Romanorum, prout in cronicis Romanis plenius, quomodo aut quanto tempore regnaverit, continetur.

And I was for two years after the death of Charles in the court of King Philip. After these two years the same king sent me back, with my wife, his sister, named Blancza, to my father John, king of Bohemia, into the city of Luxembourg, which was my father’s county by succession from his father, Henry the emperor, of divine memory. And when he was Count of Luxembourg, he was elected King of the Romans, as is contained more fully in the Roman chronicles, how, and for how long, he reigned.

Capitulum IV.

CHAPTER 4.

Reversus itaque de Francia inveni patrem meum in comitatu Luczemburgensi, occupante temporibus illis imperium Ludovico de Bavaria, qui se scripsit Ludovicus quartus, qui post mortem Henrici septimi, avi mei, in Romanorum regem in discordia fuit electus contra Fridricum, ducem Austrie. Quem Ludovicum elegerunt et cum eo steterunt usque ad suum triumphum, quo captivavit eundem Fridericum, ducem Austrie, suum adversarium, Johannes, rex Boemie, pater meus, Maguntinensis, Treverensis et Waldemarus ultimus Brandenburgensis. Cum Fridrico autem fuerunt: Coloniensis, dux Saxonie et comes Palatinus.

Having therefore returned from France, I found my father in the county of Luxembourg, with the empire in those times being occupied by Louis of Bavaria, who styled himself Louis 4, who after the death of Henry 7, my grandfather, had been elected in discord as king of the Romans against Frederick, duke of Austria. Louis was elected by, and they stood with him until his triumph, by which he captured that same Frederick, duke of Austria, his adversary—John, king of Bohemia, my father; the (archbishop) of Mainz; the (archbishop) of Trier; and Waldemar, the last (margrave) of Brandenburg. With Frederick, however, were: the (archbishop) of Cologne, the duke of Saxony, and the count palatine.

Qui Ludovicus Romam postea accesserat; et diadema imperiale contra voluntatem pape Johannis XXII ab episcopo Venetorum et munus consecracionis recepit. Et post hoc creaverat antipapam nomine Nicolaum, ordinis Minorum, qui post hoc traditus fuit ad manus pape et in penitentia mortuus fuit. Et iam reversus fuit in Germaniam, prout in cronicis Romanorum plenius apparet.

Which Louis had later gone to Rome; and he received the imperial diadem, against the will of Pope John 22, from the bishop of the Venetians, and the rite of consecration. And after this he had created an antipope by the name Nicholas, of the Order of Minors, who thereafter was delivered into the hands of the Pope and died in penitence. And he had now returned to Germany, as more fully appears in the chronicles of the Romans.

Illo vero tempore cum reversus fueram de Francia in comitatum Luczemburgensem et inveneram patrem meum ibidem, obsederat dux Austrie civitatem Columbariensem in Alzacia, et Ludovicus eam liberare non poterat. Accessit pater meus ad eosdem, et concordavit dictum ducem cum Ludovico. Deinde ivit in comitatum Tyrolis ad ducem Karinthie, quem expulerat de regno Boemie.

At that time, when I had returned from France into the county of Luxembourg and had found my father there, the duke of Austria had besieged the city of Colmar in Alsace, and Louis could not free it. My father went to them and brought the said duke into concord with Louis. Then he went into the county of Tyrol to the duke of Carinthia, whom he had expelled from the kingdom of Bohemia.

Cuius uxor prima mortua fuerat, soror matris mee; demum tamen acceperat aliam uxorem, sororem ducis de Brunswych, cum qua habuit unicam filiam, quam copulavit fratri meo Johanni in uxorem et post mortem suam constituit sibi omnes suos principatus. Deinde pervenit pater meus in civitatem Tridentinam. Et illo tempore mortua est mater mea in die beati Wenceslai martiris in Praga.

whose first wife had died, the sister of my mother; at length, however, he had taken another wife, the sister of the duke of Brunswick, with whom he had a single daughter, whom he joined in marriage to my brother John as wife, and after his own death he settled upon her all his principalities. Then my father arrived in the city of Trent. And at that time my mother died on the day of blessed Wenceslas the martyr in Prague.

Moram autem in Tridento patre meo trahente date fuerunt sibi in Lombardia civitates: Brixiensis civitas, Pergamum, Parma, Cremona, Papia, Regium, Mutina; in Tuscia vero Luca cum omnibus districtibus et comitatibus ad eandem pertinentibus. Ad quas pater meus accedens post hec mansionem fecit in Parma. Vicecomes [postea] eas in suum suscepit regnum Akzo de Mediolano, qui regebat pro tunc civitates Mediolanum [et] Novariam, quas in vicariatu eodem tempore a patre meo susceperat.

But, with my father drawing out a stay in Trento, there were given to him in Lombardy the cities: the city of Brescia, Bergamo, Parma, Cremona, Pavia, Reggio, Modena; in Tuscany indeed Lucca with all the districts and counties pertaining to the same. To which my father, proceeding thereafter, made his lodging in Parma. The Viscount [afterwards] Azzo of Milan received them into his own realm, who at that time was ruling the cities of Milan [and] Novara, which he had received in vicariate at that same time from my father.

Tempore illo misit pater meus in comitatum Luczemburgensem pro me. Ego autem arripui iter per civitatem Metensem, per ducatum Lothringie, per Burgundiam et Sabaudiam usque in civitatem Lausanensem super lacu. Deinde trasivi montes Brige, et veni in territorium Novariense, et abinde veni in parasceve in civitatem Papie, quam tenebat pater meus.

At that time my father sent to the County of Luxembourg for me. I, however, seized the road through the city of Metz, through the Duchy of Lorraine, through Burgundy and Savoy as far as the city of Lausanne upon the lake. Then I crossed the mountains of Brig, and I came into the territory of Novara, and from there I came on the Parasceve (Good Friday) into the city of Pavia, which my father held.

In die autem pasche, scilicet tercia die postquam veneram, intoxicata fuit familia mea, et ego divina me gracia protegente evasi, quia missa magna prolixe agebatur, et communicaveram in eadem et nolui comedere ante missam. Cum autem irem ad prandium, dictum fuit michi, quod familia mea subito in infirmitatem ceciderit, et specialiter illi, qui ante prandium comederant. Ego autem sedens in mensa comedere nolui, et eramus omnes territi.

But on the day of Pasch, namely the third day after I had come, my household was poisoned, and I, with divine grace protecting me, escaped, because a great Mass was being conducted at length, and I had communicated in the same and did not wish to eat before the Mass. But when I was going to the meal, it was told to me that my household had suddenly fallen into illness, and especially those who had eaten before the meal. But I, sitting at table, did not wish to eat, and we were all terrified.

Et sic aspiciens, vidi hominem pulchrum et agilem, quem non cognovi, qui deambulabat coram mensa fingens se mutum. De quo habita suspicione ipsum captivare feci. Qui post multa tormenta tercia die locutus est, et confessus fuit, quod ipse in coquina cibariis toxicum immiserat de iussu et procuracione Azzonis, Vicecomitis Mediolanensis.

And thus looking, I saw a handsome and agile man, whom I did not recognize, who was walking about before the table, feigning himself mute. Conceiving suspicion about him, I had him captured. After many torments, on the third day he spoke, and confessed that he had introduced poison into the victuals in the kitchen by the order and procurement of Azzone, the Viscount of Milan.

De illo autem toxico fuerunt mortui: Johannes dominus [de] Berge, magister curie mee, Johannes de Honkirin, Symon do Keyla, qui deserviebat mense mee, et quam plures alii. Ego autem manebam illo tempore in monasterio sancti Augustini, ubi corpus suum iacet in Papia, de quo monasterio expulerat Ludovicus de Bavaria abbatem et canonicos regulares illius monasterii, quos ego revocans in predictum monasterium introduxi. Quod monasterium post obitum illorum fratrum papa Iohannes Augustinensibus, quorum ordo hodierna die possidet, contulit, dominante patre meo, quibus pater meus possessionem tradidit.

From that poison, moreover, there died: John, lord [of] Berg, the master of my court; John of Honkirin; Simon of Keyla, who served my table; and very many others besides. I, however, was staying at that time in the monastery of Saint Augustine, where his body lies in Pavia, from which monastery Louis of Bavaria had expelled the abbot and the canons regular of that monastery, whom I, recalling them, brought back into the aforesaid monastery. Which monastery, after the death of those brothers, Pope John conferred upon the Augustinians, whose order possesses it to this day, while my father was ruling, to whom my father handed over possession.

Deinde ivi ad patrem meum in civitatem Parmensem, et eram intrans annum sextum decimum. Pater autem meus commisit regimen omnium illorum et tuicionem mei domino Ludovico de comitibus Sabaudie, qui erat socer Aczonis Vicecomitis et gubernatoris Mediolanensis. Recedens de Parma ivit in Franciam, et tradidit filiam suam secundogenitam, sororem meam, nomine Gutam Iohanni, filio primogenito Philippi, regis Francie.

Then I went to my father in the city of Parma, and I was entering my sixteenth year. My father entrusted the regimen of all those affairs and my tutelage to lord Louis of the counts of Savoy, who was the father-in-law of Azzone, the Viscount and governor of Milan. Departing from Parma he went into France, and he gave his second-born daughter, my sister, by name Guta, to John, the firstborn son of Philip, king of France.

Primogenitam autem Margaretam habebat Henricus, dux Bavarie.

But Henry, Duke of Bavaria, had the firstborn, Margaret.

Tempore illo, quo remanseram cum dicto domino Ludovico de Sabaudia in Italia, fecerunt ligam secrete contra me et patrem meum Robertus, rex Apulie, Florentini, Vicecomes Aczo, gubernator Mediolanensis, gubernator Veronensis, qui tempore illo tenebat Paduam, Trevisum, Vincenciam, Feltrensem et Belunensem civitates, gubernator Mantuanus, qui ante nobis promiserat fidelitatem, Ferariensis gubernator et diviserunt inter se occulte civitates, quas tenebam: Veronensi Brixensem et Parmensem civitates, Mantuano Regium, Ferrariensi Mutinam, Mediolanensi Papiam, Pergamum et Cremonam, Florentinis Lucam. Et sic omnes, subito habentes prodiciones occulte in civitatibus, antequam diffidarent, irruerunt in nos. De ipsis nullum timorem pro tunc habebamus, quia pepigerant fedus nobiscum et iuraverant nobis litterisque firmaverant patri ac nobis fideliter assistere.

At that time, when I had remained with the said lord Louis of Savoy in Italy, Robert, king of Apulia, the Florentines, Viscount Azzo, the governor of Milan, the governor of Verona, who at that time held the cities of Padua, Treviso, Vicenza, Feltre, and Belluno, the governor of Mantua, who earlier had promised us fidelity, and the governor of Ferrara made a league secretly against me and my father, and they divided among themselves covertly the cities which I held: to the Veronese the cities of Brescia and Parma, to the Mantuan Reggio, to the Ferrarese Modena, to the Milanese Pavia, Bergamo, and Cremona, to the Florentines Lucca. And thus all, suddenly having betrayals secretly in the cities, before they issued defiance, rushed upon us. Of them we had no fear for the time being, because they had struck a pact with us and had sworn to us and by letters had confirmed to my father and to us that they would assist faithfully.

Et intravit Veronensis in Brixiam, Mediolanensis obsedit Pergamum et habuit illam subito. Papienses rebellaverunt contra nos et receperunt dominium per se videlicet illi de Beccaria, de quibus magis resumebamus quam de aliquibus in illa civitate. Et sic omnes isti colligati fecerunt validissimam guerram ex omnibus partibus contra nos.

And the Veronese entered into Brescia; the Milanese besieged Bergamo and took it at once. The Pavians rebelled against us and took the dominion for themselves—namely those of Beccaria—upon whom we relied more than upon any others in that city. And so all these confederates waged a most powerful war against us from all quarters.

Dominus autem Ludovicus de Sabaudia predictus, commissarius noster et tutor, bene previdisset aliqua pericula, sed non apposuit remedium, et nescio, quo motus spiritu, forte amore generi sui Aczonis Vicecomitis supradicti, recessit de Parma, nos relinquens in angustia. Illi autem de Rubeis, cives Parmenses, et illi de Fuliano et de Manfredis de Regio, et illi de Piis de Mutina, et illi de Punczonibus, Senibus de Cremona, et domini Symon et Philippus de Pistorio capitaneus Lucce assumpserunt factum meum fideliter et apposuerunt omne consilium et auxilium, quod poterant, prout in sequenti pagina clarius describitur.

But lord Louis of Savoy aforesaid, our commissioner and tutor, had well foreseen certain dangers, yet he did not apply a remedy; and I do not know, moved by what spirit—perhaps by love for his son-in-law Azzo, the aforesaid Vicecount—he withdrew from Parma, leaving us in distress. But those of the de Rubeis, citizens of Parma, and those of Fuliano and of the Manfredi of Reggio, and those of the Pii of Modena, and those of the Punczoni, the Senis of Cremona, and lords Simon and Philip of Pistoia, Philip the captain of Lucca, assumed my cause faithfully and applied every counsel and aid that they could, as is more clearly described on the following page.

Capitulum V.

Chapter 5.

Tunc prenominati coniuratores fecerunt validum exercitum ante civitatem nostram Mutinam et steterunt ibi per sex septimanas, scilicet Mediolanensis, Veronensis, Ferariensis et Mantuanus. Elapso tempore sex septimanarum, cum devastassent dioceses et comitatus Mutinensis et Regii civitatum, recesserunt et posuerunt potenciam eorum et exercitum ante castrum sancti Felicis Mutinensis diocesis. Et cum ibi exercitus diu stetisset, pactaverunt illi de castro cum eis, quod si infra mensem, videlicet usque in diem beate Katherine, qui expirabat eodem die, ipsis non succurreretur per nos, eis castrum traderetur.

Then the aforesaid conspirators made a strong army before our city Modena and stood there for six weeks, namely the Milanese, Veronese, Ferrarese, and Mantuan. When the time of six weeks had elapsed, after they had devastated the dioceses and counties of the cities of Modena and Reggio, they withdrew and set their power and army before the castle of Saint Felix in the diocese of Modena. And when the army had stood there a long time, those of the castle made terms with them: that if within a month, namely up to the day of blessed Catherine, which expired on that same day, no succor were brought to them by us, the castle would be handed over to them.

Parmenses vero, Cremonenses, Mutinenses et de Regio hoc audientes congregaverunt potenciam eorum, accesseruntque ad nos dicentes: Domine, obviemus destruccioni nostre prius, quam in toto deleamur. Tunc accepto consilio exivimus ad campos castraque metati sumus, et de civitate Parmensi in die beate Katherine pervenimus ibidem, quo die castrum dedebat tradi ad manus inimicorum. Et circa horam nonam cum mille et ducentis galeatis et cum sex milibus peditum contra inimicos, qui bene totidem vel plures fuerant, pugnam arripuimus.

But the Parmesans, the Cremonese, the Modenese, and the men of Reggio, hearing this, gathered their puissance and came to us, saying: “Lord, let us go to meet our destruction before we are in toto deleted.” Then, counsel having been taken, we went out to the fields and pitched camp, and on the day of blessed Catherine we arrived there from the city of Parma, on which day the castle was due to be delivered into the hands of the enemies. And about the ninth hour, with 1,200 helmeted men and with 6,000 foot-soldiers, against the enemies, who were well as many or more, we took up the fight.

Et duravit bellum ab hora nona usque post occasum solis. Et ex utraque parte fuerunt interfecti quasi omnes dextrarii et aliqui equi, et eramus quasi devicti, et dextrarius, in quo residebamus, eciam interfectus est. Et relevati a nostris sic stando et respiciendo, quod eramus quasi superati, iamque pene in desperacione positi aspeximus.

And the battle lasted from the ninth hour until after the setting of the sun. And on both sides almost all the destriers and some horses were slain, and we were almost vanquished, and the destrier on which we were seated was also killed. And, being lifted up by our own men, thus standing and looking around—since we were as if overcome, and now almost set in desperation—we looked.

Et ecce eadem hora inimici fugere inceperunt cum vexillis eorum, et primo Mantuani, demum plures eos sunt secuti. Et sic per dei graciam victoriam obtimimus de inimicis nostris, octingentos galeatos in fuga captivando et quinque milia peditum interficiendo. Et sic per hanc victoriam liberatum fuit castrum Sancti Felicis.

And behold, at the same hour the enemies began to flee with their banners, and the Mantuans first, then many more followed them. And thus by the grace of God we obtained victory over our enemies, capturing in the flight 800 helmed men-at-arms and killing 5,000 foot-soldiers. And thus by this victory the castle of Saint Felix was liberated.

In hoc bello accepimus cum ducentis viris strenuis militarem dignitatem. Sequenti vero die reversi sumus cum magno gaudio in Mutinam cum preda et captivis. Et dimissis gentibus nostris reversi sumus in Parmam, ubi curiam nostram pro tunc tenebamus.

In this war we received the military dignity together with two hundred valiant men. On the following day we returned with great joy to Modena with booty and captives. And, our troops having been dismissed, we returned to Parma, where we were then holding our court.

Post transivimus in Luccam in Tuscia, et ordinavimus guerram contra Florentinos et edificavimus castrum pulchrum cum oppido muris vallato in cacumine montis, qui distat decem miliaribus a Lucca versus vallem Nebule, et imposuimus ei nomen Mons Karoli. Et post hec reversi sumus ad Parmam, dimisso regimine domino Symoni Philippi de Pistorio, qui ante ex parte nostra bene rexerat et oppidum Barcze in Garimano super inimicos acquisierat et multa alia bona in suo regimine fecerat. Cum autem Parmam pervenissemus, aggravati eramus ex parte inimicorum ex omni parte validissime.

Afterwards we crossed into Lucca in Tuscany, and we organized war against the Florentines and edified a beautiful castle with a town walled with walls on the summit of a mountain, which stands ten miles from Lucca toward the valley of Nebula, and we imposed upon it the name Mount Charles. And after these things we returned to Parma, the governance having been entrusted to Lord Symon Philip of Pistoia, who previously on our side had ruled well and had acquired the town of Barcze in Garimano over the enemies, and had done many other good things in his government. But when we had arrived at Parma, we were oppressed on the part of the enemies most strongly from every side.

Sed hiemis austeritas nobis profuit, que tantum invaluerat, quod nemo in campis persistere valebat.

But the austerity of winter profited us, which had so prevailed that no one was able to persist in the plains.

Eodem tempore incepti fuerunt tractatus inter Veronenses ac inter inimicos nostros ex parte una, et Marsilium de Rubeis, Gibertum de Fuliano, Manfredum de Piis, Parme, Regii et Mutine pociores, qui quasi gubernatores erant earum. Deinde eciam convenerunt ipsi cum pociori consilio Veronensium in quadam ecclesia parva diocesis Regii, et contra me tractaverunt, ut me traderent et se unirent, fecerunt[que] legere missam volentes iurare super corpore Christi, illos tractatus firmos tenere. Actumque est, cum sacerdos sacramentum confecisset, post elevacionem in eadem missa obscuritas cum turbine venti valde magna facta est in ecclesia, ita quod omnes territi fuerunt.

At the same time negotiations were begun between the Veronese and our enemies on the one side, and Marsilius de Rubeis, Gibertus de Fuliano, Manfredus de Piis, the more powerful men of Parma, Reggio, and Modena, who were as it were governors of them. Then they also met with the more powerful council of the Veronese in a certain small church of the diocese of Reggio, and they negotiated against me, that they might hand me over and unite themselves, and they had a mass read, wishing to swear upon the body of Christ to hold those agreements firm. And it came to pass that, when the priest had confected the sacrament, after the Elevation in the same mass, a very great darkness with a whirlwind arose in the church, such that all were terrified.

Et postquam lux reversa fuit, sacerdos ante se in altari corpus Christi non reperit. Tunc dolenter stabant omnes obstupefacti, et sic alter alterum inspicientes, inventum est corpus domini ante pedes Marsilii de Rubeis, qui erat caput et doctor istius tractatus. Et tunc omnes una voce dixerunt: Quod facere decrevimus deo non placet.

And after the light had returned, the priest did not find before him on the altar the body of Christ. Then, sorrowfully, all stood stupefied, and thus, looking one upon another, the Lord’s body was found before the feet of Marsilius de Rubeis, who was the head and doctor of this negotiation. And then all with one voice said: What we have decreed to do does not please God.

Et sic [consilio] dimisso quilibet ad propria remeavit. Tunc sacerdos, qui missam celebravit, ivit in civitatem Regii et nunciavit episcopo ea, que gesta fuerant. Episcopus misit eum ad Hostiensem cardinalem, legatum tunc Lombardie, qui erat in Bononia.

And thus, the [council] having been dismissed, each returned to his own. Then the priest, who had celebrated the mass, went to the city of Reggio and announced to the bishop the things that had been done. The bishop sent him to the Cardinal of Ostia, then legate of Lombardy, who was in Bologna.

Legatus autem cum episcopo ista intimaverunt vicario meo Egidio de Berlario Francigene in civitate Regii, ut me premuniret, quatenus michi caverem de hiis conspiratoribus prenominatis. Qui vero sic conspirare nitebantur, penitencia ducti michi amplius fideliter astiterunt et firmiter mecum quasi fratres permanserunt nichil in cordibus suis abscondendo. Una dierum Gibertus de Fuliano septimus de ipsis dixit: Nunquam possem letus esse, si corpus domini ante pedes meos fuisset inventum, sicut ante pedes Marsilii de Rubeis, et bene deus precavit nos, ne faceremus ea, que pocius quam faceremus mori vellemus.

But the legate, together with the bishop, intimated these things to my vicar Egidio of Berlario, a Frenchman, in the city of Reggio, that he might pre-munish me, to the extent that I might beware for myself of those afore-named conspirators. Yet those who were striving thus to conspire, led by penitence, stood by me more faithfully thereafter and remained firmly with me as if brothers, hiding nothing in their hearts. One day, Gibertus of Fuliano, the seventh of them, said: I could never be glad, if the Lord’s body had been found before my feet, as before the feet of Marsilius de Rubeis; and God well forefended us, that we should not do those things which we would rather die than do.

Ego autem sub silencio pertransivi tamquam inde nichil scirem.

I, however, passed through under silence as though I knew nothing thereof.

In illis temporibus audiens pater meus oppressiones, quas paciebar ab inimicis, fecit congregacionem cum multis in Francia, de quibus erant capitanei episcopus Beluacensis, comes de Eu, constabilis regni Francie, comes Sacri Cesarii et quam plurimi alii comites et barones. Et transierunt de Francia in Sabaudiam, deinde per Alpes usque in marchionatum Montis Ferrati, et de marchionatu transierunt per Lombardiam usque in Cremonam et de Cremona usque in Parmam.

In those times, my father, hearing the oppressions which I was suffering from enemies, made a congregation with many in France, among whom the captains were the Bishop of Beauvais, the Count of Eu, the Constable of the kingdom of France, the Count of the Sacred Caesar, and very many other counts and barons. And they crossed from France into Savoy, then through the Alps as far as the marquisate of Montferrat, and from the marquisate they passed through Lombardy up to Cremona, and from Cremona up to Parma.

Et erat numerus galeatorum circa mille sexcentos, qui nobis venerant in adiutorium. Deinde pater noster cum exercitu congregato[ivit] ad succurrendum castro Papiensi, quod se adhuc tenebat contra civitatem nostro nomine. Et posuimus castra et obsedimus civitatem Papie et eramus bene tria millia galeatorum.

And the number of helmeted men was about 1,600, who had come to us for aid. Then our father with the assembled army [went] to succor the Pavesan castle, which still held itself against the city in our name. And we pitched camp and besieged the city of Pavia, and we were a good 3,000 helmeted men.

Et destruximus suburbia et monasteria suburbiorum et replevimus castrum, cui in auxilium veneramus, victualibus et hominibus ipsum renovando; sed civitatem per castrum non potuimus obtinere, quia fossata et propugnacula inter civitatem et castrum cives fecerant, ita quod ingressus ad eos non patebat, et ipsi habebant mille galeatos de Mediolanensibus in suum auxilium. Et postquam ibi stetimus decem diebus, inde recessimus castra metantes prope Mediolanum et devastavimus valde comitatum et districtum Mediolanensem. Et abinde transivimus versus Pergamum, ubi habuimus per quosdam amicos nostros tractatus, qui debebant nobis aperire unam portam civitatis.

And we destroyed the suburbs and the monasteries of the suburbs, and we refilled the castle, to whose aid we had come, with victuals and men, renewing it; but we could not obtain the city through the castle, because the citizens had made ditches and battlements between the city and the castle, so that entrance to them did not lie open, and they themselves had a thousand helmed men of the Milanese for their aid. And after we had stayed there ten days, we withdrew from there, pitching camp near Milan, and we greatly devastated the county and district of the Milanese. And from there we crossed toward Bergamo, where through certain of our friends we had negotiations, who were to open for us one gate of the city.

Et sic ordinatum fuerat, quod in aurora deberet intrare aliqua pars gentis nostre, et post hec deberet eos sequi una acies magna et intrare post eos et retinere civitatem, donec pater noster una nobiscum cum toto exercitu eadem die veniremus. Et sic factum est, quod amici nostri in civitate Pergami, scilicet illi de Collisionibus, aperuerunt portam et primi nostri intraverunt. Secunda vero acies noluit eos sequi, nescio quo mota spiritu, et tunc primi, qui pro tempore steterunt in civitate, exierunt civitatem, quia non poterant soli resistere inimicis, et multi amici nostri cum eisdem evaserunt; residui vero, qui remanserant, captivati sunt et suspensi sunt ultra muros, quorum numerus erat ultra quinquaginta.

And thus it had been arranged that at dawn some part of our people should enter, and after this one great battle-line should follow them and enter after them and hold the city, until our father together with us should come with the whole army the same day. And so it was done: our friends in the city of Bergamo, namely those of the Collisions, opened the gate, and our first men entered. But the second battle-line refused to follow them, moved by I know not what spirit; and then the first, who for a time had stood in the city, went out of the city, because they could not alone resist the enemies, and many of our friends escaped with those same; but the rest, who had remained, were captured and were hanged outside the walls, whose number was over fifty.

Cumque pater noster nobiscum supervenissemus, videntes, que gesta fuissent et neglecta, turbati sumus valde cum toto exercitu nostro. Post aliquos dies transeuntes flumen Ade reversi sumus per territorium Cremonense in civitatem Parme.

And when our father had arrived with us, seeing what had been done and what had been neglected, we were greatly troubled with our whole army. After some days, crossing the river Adda, we returned through the Cremonese territory into the city of Parma.

Capitulum VI.

CHAPTER 6.

Post hec pater noster ivit Bononiam ad Hostiensem cardinalem nomine Beltrandum, tunc legatum a latere sedis apostolice in Lombardia, qui temporibus illis regebat civitatem Bononiensem et alias plures, videlicet Placenciam, Ravennam et totam Romandiolam ac marchiam Anchonitanam, et tractavit cum eo, quod ipse confederatus est nobiscum et factus est inimicus nostrorum inimicorum; nam et ante erat inimicus gubernatoris Ferrariensis propter causam ecclesie sancte et suam, qui cum inimicis confederatus erat, paratus in adiutorium ipsis et ipsi sibi. Et dedit nobis prefatus cardinalis auxilium gencium et pecuniarum, posuitque prefatus legatus exercitum et castra contra hostes temporibus illis in suburbiis civitatis Ferrariensis, quorum capitaneus fuit postea comes de Ariminiaco.

After these things our father went to Bologna to the Cardinal of Ostia named Bertrand, then a legate a latere of the Apostolic See in Lombardy, who in those times was ruling the city of Bologna and several others, namely Piacenza, Ravenna, and all Romandiola and the March of Ancona, and he negotiated with him, with the result that he was confederated with us and was made an enemy of our enemies; for even before he was an enemy of the governor of Ferrara on account of the cause of the Holy Church and his own, who had been confederated with the enemies, ready in aid to them and they to him. And the aforesaid cardinal gave us aid of men and monies, and the aforesaid legate set an army and encampments against the enemies at that time in the suburbs of the city of Ferrara, whose captain afterwards was the Count of Armagnac.

Demum eadem estate post pentecosten congregavit pater noster magnum exercitum et premisit nos in civitatem Cremonensem de Parma ultra Padum cum quingentis galeatis, quos misit ante castrum Piczignitonis, quod rebellaverat contra nos et contra civitatem sue diocesis Cremonensis et astabat deserviendo Papiensibus et Mediolanensibus. Et remanseramus in Cremona vix cum viginti galeatis. Tunc repente fortificati sunt inimici, et augebatur numerus cottidie, ita quod illi, qui erant ante castrum, muniverunt se fossatis, auxilium nostrum exspectantes.

Finally in the same summer after Pentecost our father congregated a great army and sent us ahead into the city of Cremona from Parma beyond the Po with five hundred men-at-arms, whom he sent before the castle of Piczignitonis, which had rebelled against us and against the city of its diocese, Cremonense, and was standing by, rendering service to the Pavians and the Milanese. And we had remained in Cremona with scarcely twenty men-at-arms. Then suddenly the enemies were fortified, and their number was increasing daily, so that those who were before the castle fortified themselves with ditches, awaiting our aid.

Illo tempore subito Mantuani et Ferrarienses miserunt naves suas in Padum ante Cremonam et submerserunt omnes naves in Pado territorii Cremonensis, ita ut pater noster cum tota gente sua non poterat nobis venire in auxilium nec mittere aliquem nuncium, quia omnes naves et molendina submerserant et se receperant. Et nos ipsi in civitate Cremonensi existentes cum ita paucis eramus in perdicione et civitatis et personarum cottidie propter latitudinem, quia civitas temporibus illis propter guerras erat quasi desolata. Et cum essemus in magna tristicia constituti, quia nec pater nobis nec nos patri nec uterque nostrum illis, qui iacebant ante castrum, possemus succurrere, facta est dissensio inter inimicos nostros, qui civitatem predictam obsederant in fluvio Pado, ita quod se verberantes invicem reversi sunt unusquisque ad propria.

At that time, suddenly the Mantuan and the Ferrarese sent their ships into the Po before Cremona and submerged all the boats in the Po of the Cremonese territory, so that our father, with his whole host, could not come to us in aid nor send any messenger, because they had sunk all the boats and the mills and had withdrawn. And we ourselves, being in the Cremonese city with so few, were in perdition both of the city and of persons daily on account of its breadth, since the city in those times, on account of wars, was almost desolated. And when we had been set in great sadness, because neither could our father succor us nor we our father, nor either of us those who were lying before the castle, a dissension arose among our enemies, who had besieged the aforesaid city on the river Po, such that, striking one another, they turned back, each to his own.

Rescito isto pater noster venit de Parma cum exercitu suo super flumen Padi et mandavit extrahi naves de profundo fluvii et sic transfretavit cum paucis in civitatem Cremonam. Et sequenti die coadunatis exercitibus processimus in subvencionem illis, qui erant ante castrum Piczignitonis. Et tantum fuimus per dei graciam fortificati, quod forciores eramus omnibus nostris inimicis; eramus enim in numero tria milia galeatorum.

This having been learned, our father came from Parma with his army to the river of the Po and ordered the ships to be drawn out from the depth of the river, and thus he crossed over with a few into the city of Cremona. And on the following day, the armies having been assembled, we advanced to the aid of those who were before the castle of Piczignitonis. And we were so fortified by the grace of God that we were stronger than all our enemies; for we were in number three thousand men-at-arms.

Et postquam percepimus, quod coram dicto castro nichil proficeremus, voluimus procedere in succursum castro Papiensi, de quo ante mencio facta est. Quod presencientes inimici miserunt consiliarios suos et fraudulenter cum patre nostro tractaverunt et cum eo treugas inierunt tali modo: quod de campis cederet et castrum Papiense victualibus treugarum tempore fultum quod per inimicos non impediretur assecurantes, per pulchra et blanda verba multa eidem promittentes. Sicque de campis recessimus gentes nostras per civitates et loca sua distribuentes.

And after we perceived that we would make no progress before the said castle, we wished to proceed to the succor of the Papian castle, of which mention was made before. Which the enemies, fore-sensing, sent their counselors and dealt fraudulently with our father and entered truces with him in this manner: that he should yield from the fields, and that the Papian castle, supplied with victuals during the time of the truces, would not be impeded by the enemies, assuring this and promising many things to him with fair and flattering words. And so we withdrew from the fields, distributing our peoples through their cities and their places.

Post hec inimici treugas seu pacta minime tenuerunt, et sic perditum fuit castrum Papiense, quia non permiserunt ipsum inimici fulcire victualibus, prout promiserant. Sicque pater noster cum gentibus suis propter blanda verba et falsa promissa in pecuniis et expensis defecerunt. Hieme vero superveniente nec in campis stare poterant.

After these things the enemies kept by no means the truces or the pacts, and thus the Pavia castle was lost, because the enemies did not allow it to be shored up with victuals, as they had promised. And so our father with his forces, on account of fair words and false promises, were exhausted in monies and expenses. But with winter supervening, they could not even remain in the fields.

Et sic proverbium in nobis claruit: Nocuit differe paratis.

And thus the proverb became manifest in us: To the prepared, to defer proved harmful.

Illo autem tempore Ferrarienses, Veronenses et Mantuani ac Mediolanenses fortificati captivaverunt capitaneum legati comitem de Ariminiaco in suburbiis Ferrarie iacentem et multos de exercitu occiderunt et alios submerserunt in Pado, et exercitum in tantum afflixerunt, quod legatus amplius non recuperavit nec campos adversus inimicos amplius habere valuit usque ad expulsionem eiusdem de patria.

But at that time the Ferrarese, Veronese, and Mantuans and the Milanese, having been fortified, captured the legate’s captain, the Count of Armagnac, who was lying in the suburbs of Ferrara, and they killed many of the army and submerged others in the Po; and they afflicted the army to such an extent that the legate no longer recuperated, nor could he any longer hold the fields against the enemies, until the expulsion of the same from the fatherland.

Demum videns pater noster, quod expense sibi deficerent et quod guerram ferre non valeret, disposuit recedere de patria et eam terrigenis et maioribus civitatum relinquere, videlicet Parmam illis de Rubeis, Regium illis de Fuliano, Mutinam illis de Piis, Cremonam illis de Punczonibus, qui omnes has civitates patri nostro in potestatem dederant, voluitque eis easdem reddere. Luccam autem voluit vendere Florentinis, sed fretus nostro ac suorum consiliariorum consilio commisit eandem illis de Rubeis, quibus Parmam commiserat.

At length, seeing that expenses were failing him and that he was not able to bear the guerra, our father determined to withdraw from the fatherland and to leave it to the natives and the maiores of the cities, namely Parma to those of the Rubei, Reggio to those of Fuliano, Modena to those of the Pii, Cremona to those of the Punczoni, who had all given these cities into our father’s power, and he wished to return the same to them. Lucca, however, he wished to sell to the Florentines; but, relying on our counsel and that of his own counselors, he committed that same city to those of the Rubei, to whom he had entrusted Parma.

Capitulum VII.

Chapter 7.

In tempore illo cum essemus in Lucca diabolus, qui semper querit, quem devoret, et offert hominibus dulcia, in quibus fel latet, cum ante diu fuissemus temptati per eum nec tamen divina gracia adiuvante victi, instigavit homines pravos et perversos, cum per se non valuisset, qui patri nostro cottidie adherebant, ut nos de tramite recto in laqueum miserie et libidinis seducerent, sicque seducti a perversis eramus perversi una cum perversis. Deinde pater noster non longe post nos arripiens iter versu Parmam una nobiscum pervenimus in villam nomine Tarencz, Parmensis diocesis in die dominica, in qua erat XV. Aug. dies Assumpcionis sancte Marie virginis.

At that time, when we were in Lucca, the devil, who always seeks whom he may devour, and offers to human beings sweets in which gall lies hidden, since long before we had been tempted by him yet, aided by divine grace, not overcome, instigated depraved and perverse men—when he had not prevailed by himself—who adhered daily to our father, to seduce us from the straight path into the snare of misery and lust; and thus, seduced by the perverse, we were perverse together with the perverse. Then our father, not long after, taking up the journey toward Parma, arrived together with us at a villa named Tarencz, of the diocese of Parma, on Sunday, on which was 15 Aug., the day of the Assumption of Saint Mary the Virgin.

Illa vero nocte cum nos sopor invaderet, apparuit nobis quedam visio, quoniam angelus domini astitit iuxta nos in parte sinistra, ubi iacebamus, et percussit nos in latere dicens: "Surge et veni nobiscum." Nos autem respondimus in spiritu: "Domine, nec scio quo nec quomodo vobiscum eam." Et accipiens nos per capillos anterioris partis capitis exportavit nos secum in aerem usque super magnam aciem armatorum equitum, qui stabant ante unum castrum parati ad prelium. Et tenebat nos in aere super aciem et dixit nobis: "Respice et vide." Et ecce alter angelus descendens de celo, habens igneum gladium in manu percussit unum in media acie et abscidit sibi membrum genitale eodem gladio, et ille tamquam letaliter vulneratus agonizabat equo insidens. Tunc tenens nos per capillos angelus dixit: "Cognoscis illum, qui percussus est ab angelo et vulneratus ad mortem?" Tunc diximus: "Domine, nescio, nec locum cognosco." Dixit: "Scire debes, quod hic est Delphinus Viennensis, qui propter peccatum luxurie sic a deo est percussus; nunc ergo cavete et patri vestro potestis dicere, quod sibi caveat de similibus peccatis, vel peiora accident vobis." Nos autem compassi illi Delphino Viennensi nomine Bigonis, cuius avia fuerat soror avie nostre, et ipse erat filius sororis regis Ungarie Karoli primi.

But on that very night, when sleep was invading us, a certain vision appeared to us, for an angel of the Lord stood beside us on the left side, where we were lying, and struck us on the flank, saying: "Rise and come with us." But we answered in spirit: "Lord, I neither know whither nor how I may go with you." And taking us by the hairs of the anterior part of the head he carried us out with him into the air up above a great battle-line of armed horsemen, who were standing before a certain castle ready for battle. And he was holding us in the air above the line and said to us: "Look and see." And behold, another angel descending from heaven, having a fiery sword in his hand, struck one man in the midst of the line and with the same sword cut off his genital member, and he, as though mortally wounded, was agonizing while sitting on his horse. Then the angel, holding us by the hair, said: "Do you recognize him who has been struck by the angel and wounded unto death?" Then we said: "Lord, I do not know, nor do I recognize the place." He said: "You ought to know that this is the Dauphin of Vienne, who for the sin of luxury (lust) has thus been struck by God; now therefore beware, and you can tell your father that he should beware of similar sins, or worse things will befall you." We, however, had compassion on that Dauphin of Vienne by the name of Bigon, whose grandmother had been the sister of our grandmother, and he himself was the son of the sister of the king of Hungary, Charles the First.

Interrogavimus angelum, utrum posset confiteri ante mortem, et contristatus eram valde. Respondit autem angelus dicens: "Habebit confessionem et vivet aliquot diebus." Tunc vidimus in parte sinistra aciei multos viros stantes amictos palliis albis, quasi essent viri magne reverencie et sanctitatis, loquebanturque ad invicem respicientes super aciem et super ea, que gesta erant, et bene ipsos notavimus. Nec tamen graciam interrogandi habuimus nec per se angelus [retulit], qui vel quales essent viri illi tante reverencie.

We interrogated the angel whether he could make confession before death, and I was very greatly saddened. But the angel answered, saying: "He will have confession and will live for several days." Then we saw on the left side of the battle-line many men standing, clothed with white cloaks, as if they were men of great reverence and sanctity, and they were speaking to one another, looking upon the battle-line and upon the things that had been done, and we marked them well. Yet we did not have the grace to ask, nor did the angel himself relate who, or of what sort, those men of such reverence were.

Et subito restituti fuimus ad locum nostrum aurora iam clarescente. Veniensque Thomas de Nova Villa miles, Leodiensis diocesis, camerarius patris nostri, excitavit nos dicens: "Domine, quare non surgitis, iam pater vester paratus ascendit equos." Tunc surreximus et eramus confracti et quasi fessi sicut post magnum laborem itineris. Et diximus sibi: "Quo ut vadamus, cum hac nocte passi sumus tanta, quod nescimus, quid facere debeamus." Tunc dixit nobis: "Domine quid?" Et diximus sibi: "Delphinus mortuus est; et ipse pater noster vult congregare exercitum et procedere in auxilium Delphino, qui guerrat cum comite Sabaudie; nostrum auxilium non proficit sibi, quia mortuus est." Ipse vero deridens nos illa die postquam venimus in Parmam dixit patri nostro omnia, que sibi dixeramus.

And suddenly we were restored to our place, with the dawn now brightening. And Thomas de Nova Villa, a knight, of the diocese of Liège, the chamberlain of our father, coming, awoke us, saying: "Lord, why do you not rise? already your father is ready to mount the horses." Then we arose, and we were broken and as if wearied, as after a great labor of journeying. And we said to him: "Where are we to go, since this night we have suffered such great things that we do not know what we ought to do." Then he said to us: "Lord, what?" And we said to him: "The Dauphin is dead; and our father himself wishes to gather an army and to proceed to the aid of the Dauphin, who wars with the Count of Savoy; our aid does not profit him, because he is dead." He, however, mocking us, that day, after we had come into Parma, told our father all that we had said to him.

Tunc pater noster vocans interrogavit nos: si verum esset et si ita vidissemus? Cui respondimus: "Utique domine eciam pro certo sciatis, quod Delphinus mortuus est." Pater vero increpans nobis dixit: "Noli credere sompniis." Predictis autem patri nostro et Thome non dixeramus integre, sicut videramus; sed solum quod Delphinus mortuus esset. Post aliquot ergo dies venit nuncius ferens litteras, quod Delphinus congregato exercitu suo venerat ante quoddam castrum comitis Sabaudie et quod de una balista cum magna sagitta in medio omnium militum suorum fuisset sagittatus et post aliquot dies confessione habita mortuus esset.

Then our father, calling us, asked us whether it was true and whether we had seen it so. To whom we replied: "Surely, lord, also know for certain that the Dauphin is dead." But our father, rebuking us, said: "Do not believe dreams." Moreover, to our father and to Thomas we had not told the aforesaid things in full, as we had seen them, but only that the Dauphin was dead. After several days, therefore, a messenger came bearing letters, that the Dauphin, his army having been mustered, had come before a certain castle of the Count of Savoy, and that from a ballista, with a great bolt, he had been shot in the midst of all his soldiers, and after several days, having made confession, he had died.

Tunc pater noster auditis litteris dixit: "Miramur valde super hiis, quia filius noster mortem ipsius nobis ante predixerat." Et multum mirati sunt ipse et Thomas, nullus tamen post hec de ista materia cum ipsis fuit locutus.

Then our father, the letters having been heard, said: "We marvel greatly at these things, because our son had foretold to us his death beforehand." And he himself and Thomas were very much amazed; nevertheless, after these things, no one about this matter spoke with them.

Capitulum VIII.

Chapter 8.

Post hec pater noster videns, quod expense sibi deficiebant et guerram ulterius ferre contra predictos dominos Lombardie non posset, cogitavit de recessu suo et volebat nobis committere easdem civitates et guerram. Nos vero recusavimus, quia cum honore conservare non poteramus. Tunc data nobis licencia recedendi premisit nos versus Boemiam.

After these things, our father, seeing that expenses were failing him and that he could not further bear the war against the aforesaid lords of Lombardy, considered his own recess and wished to commit to us those same cities and the war. But we refused, because we could not conserve them with honor. Then, leave of withdrawing having been given to us, he sent us on ahead toward Bohemia.

Et receptis treugis cum inimicis nostris transivimus per territorium Mantuanum in Veronam, abinde in comitatum Tyrolis, ubi invenimus fratrem nostrum nomine Johannem, quem pater noster copulaverat filie ducis Karinthie comitisque Tyrolis. Qui dux, socer fratris nostri, habuerat prius sororem matris nostre nomine Annam, prout superius scriptum est. Post obitum vero eius receperat uxorem sororem ducis de Brunswich, cum qua predictam filiam habuerat nomine Margaretham.

And, truces having been received with our enemies, we passed through the Mantuan territory into Verona, from there into the County of Tyrol, where we found our brother by the name John, whom our father had coupled in marriage to the daughter of the duke of Carinthia and count of Tyrol. That duke, the father-in-law of our brother, had formerly had the sister of our mother by the name Anna, as is written above. After her death, indeed, he had taken as wife the sister of the Duke of Brunswick, with whom he had had the aforesaid daughter named Margaret.

Et cum eadem dederat fratri nostro post obitum suum ducatum Karinthie et comitatum Tyrolis; nam prole masculina carebat. Et sic pax facta erat inter eum et patrem nostrum, quia ante erant inimici propter expulsionem eiusdem ducis, quem pater noster expulerat de Boemia, prout superius scriptum est. Deinde transivimus per Bavariam, ubi invenimus sororem nostram seniorem nomine Margaretham, que unicum filium habebat cum Heinrico, duce Bavarie, nomine Johannem.

And together with that same wife he had granted to our brother, after his own death, the Duchy of Carinthia and the County of Tyrol; for he lacked male progeny. And thus peace had been made between him and our father, because previously they had been enemies on account of the expulsion of the same duke, whom our father had expelled from Bohemia, as is written above. Then we passed through Bavaria, where we found our elder sister named Margaret, who had a single son with Henry, Duke of Bavaria, named John.

Deinde pervenimus in Boemiam, de qua absens fueramus undecim annis. Invenimus autem, quod aliquot annis ante mater nostra dicta Elyzabeth mortua erat. Ipsa vero vivente soror nostra secundogenita, filia sua, nomine Guta, missa erat in Franciam et copulata Johanni, filio primogenito Philippi, regis Francie, cuius sororem nomine Blanczam habebamus in uxorem.

Then we arrived in Bohemia, from which we had been absent for eleven years. We found, however, that some years before our mother, called Elizabeth, had died. While she was still living, our second‑born sister, her daughter, named Guta, had been sent into France and coupled in marriage to John, the firstborn son of Philip, king of France, whose sister, named Blanche, we had as wife.

Tercia vero soror nostra et ultima nomine Anna erat apud dictam sororem nostram in Francia temporibus illis. Et sic cum venissemus in Boemiam, non invenimus nec patrem nec matrem nec fratrem nec sorores nec aliquem notum. Idioma quoque Boemicum ex toto oblivioni tradideramus, quod post redidicimus, ita ut loqueremur et intelligeremus ut alter Boemus.

Our third and last sister, by name Anna, was with our aforesaid sister in France at those times. And so, when we had come into Bohemia, we found neither father nor mother nor brother nor sisters nor anyone known. We had also entirely consigned the Bohemian idiom to oblivion, which afterwards we re-learned, so that we would speak and understand like another Bohemian.

Ex divina autem gracia non solum Boemicum, sed Gallicum, Lombardicum, Teutunicum et Latinum ita loqui, scribere et legere scivimus, ut una lingua istarum sicut altera ad scribendum, legendum loquendum et intelligendum nobis erat apta. Tunc pater noster procedens versus comitatum Luczemburgensem propter quandam guerram, quam gerebat cum duce Bravancie ipse et college sui, videlicet Leodiensis episcopus, Juliacensis marchio, Gerlenensis comes et quam plures alii, commisit nobis auctoritatem suam temporibus absencie sue in Boemia.

By divine grace, moreover, we knew how to speak, write, and read not only Bohemian, but Gallic, Lombardic, Teutonic, and Latin as well, such that one of those tongues was as fit for us as another for writing, reading, speaking, and understanding. Then our father, proceeding toward the County of Luxembourg on account of a certain war which he and his colleagues were waging with the Duke of Brabant—namely, the Bishop of Liège, the Marquis of Jülich, the Count of Guelders, and very many others—committed to us his authority during the times of his absence in Bohemia.

Quod regnum invenimus ita desolatum, quod nec unum castrum invenimus liberum, quod non esset obligatum cum omnibus bonis regalibus, ita quod non habebamus ubi manere, nisi in domibus civitatum sicut alter civis. Castrum vero Pragense ita desolatum, destructum ac comminutum fuit, quod a tempore Ottogari regis totum prostratum fuit usque ad terram. Ubi de novo palacium magnum et pulchrum cum magnis sumptibus edificari procuravimus, prout hodierna die apparet intuentibus.

Which kingdom we found so desolate that we found not a single castle free, which was not obligated together with all the regal goods, so that we did not have anywhere to stay, except in the houses of the cities like another citizen. But the Prague castle was so desolate, destroyed, and comminuted, that from the time of King Ottokar it had been laid entirely prostrate to the ground. There we took care anew that a great and beautiful palace be edified with great expenses, as to this very day appears to those looking on.

Tempore illo misimus pro uxore nostra, quia adhuc erat in Luczemburg. Que cum venisset, post unum annum habuit filiam primogenitam nomine Margaretham. Illis autem temporibus dederat nobis pater noster marchionatum Moravie et eodem titulo utebamur.

At that time we sent for our wife, because she was still in Luxembourg. When she had come, after one year she had a firstborn daughter named Margaret. In those times our father had given us the Margraviate of Moravia, and we were using the same title.

Videns autem communitas de Boemia proborum virorum, quod eramus de antiqua stirpe regum Boemorum, diligentes nos dederunt nobis auxilium ad recuperanda castra et bona regalia. Tunc cum magnis sumptibus et laboribus recuperavimus castra Purglinun, Tyrzow, Liuchtenburg, Lutycz, Grecz, Pyesek, Necztyni, Zbyroh, Tachow, Trutnow in Boemia; in Moravia vero Luccow, Telcz, Weverzi, Olomucense, Brunense et Znoymense castra, et quam plura alia bona obligata et alienata a regno. Et habebamus multos paratos militares servientes, et prosperabatur regnum de die in diem, diligebatque nos communitas bonorum, mali vero timentes precavebant a malo, et iusticia sufficienter vigebat in regno, quoniam barones pro maiori parte effecti erant tyranni, nec timebant regem, prout decebat, quia regnum inter se diviserant.

But seeing that the community of Bohemia, of men of probity, perceived that we were of the ancient stock of the kings of the Bohemians, loving us they gave us aid for the recovery of the castles and the royal goods (regalia). Then with great expenses and labors we recovered the castles Purglinun, Tyrzow, Liuchtenburg, Lutycz, Grecz, Pyesek, Necztyni, Zbyroh, Tachow, Trutnow in Bohemia; in Moravia indeed Luccow, Telcz, Weverzi, the Olomouc, Brno, and Znojmo castles, and very many other goods pledged (obligated) and alienated from the kingdom. And we had many ready military serjeants, and the kingdom prospered from day to day, and the community of the good loved us, but the evil, being afraid, took precautions to refrain from evil, and justice flourished sufficiently in the kingdom, for the barons for the greater part had become tyrants, nor did they fear the king as was fitting, because they had divided the kingdom among themselves.

Et sic tenuimus capitaneatum regni meliorando de die in diem per duos annos. Tempore illo tradidimus iuniorem sororem nostram nomine Annam Ottoni, duci Austrie, in uxorem. Et in illis diebus mortuus est dux Karinthie, socer fratris nostri.

And so we held the captainate of the kingdom, ameliorating it from day to day, for two years. At that time we gave our younger sister, by name Anna, to Otto, duke of Austria, in marriage. And in those days the duke of Carinthia, the father-in-law of our brother, died.

Et cum frater noster debuisset accipere possessionem ducatus Karinthie et comitatus Tyrolis post mortem ipsius, tunc fecerat occulte ligam Ludovicus, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, cum ducibus Austrie, Alberto videlicet et Ottone, ad dividendum dominium fratris nostri occulte et false, volens idem Ludovicus habere comitatum Tyrolis, duces vero ducatum Karinthie, inmemor Ludovicus et ingratus serviciorum patris nostri, que sibi exhibuerat in adepcione imperii, prout supra est scriptum. Dux vero Austrie, licet sororem nostram haberet, statim post obitum ducis Karinthie predicti per conspiracionem habitam secreto cum domino de Aufsteyn, qui erat capitaneus ex parte ducis tocius Karinthie, statim cum fratre suo habuerunt Karinthiam, quam idem de Aufsteyn eis libere tradidit ac possessionem ei[s]dem dedit. Et sic frater noster perdidit ducatum Karinthie.

And when our brother ought to have received possession of the Duchy of Carinthia and the County of Tyrol after his death, then Louis, who was carrying himself as emperor, had secretly made a league with the dukes of Austria, namely Albert and Otto, to divide the dominion of our brother covertly and fraudulently—Louis wishing to have the County of Tyrol, but the dukes the Duchy of Carinthia—Louis unmindful and ungrateful for the services of our father, which he had rendered to him in the acquisition of the empire, as is written above. But the duke of Austria, although he had our sister, immediately after the death of the aforesaid duke of Carinthia, through a conspiracy held in secret with the lord of Aufsteyn, who was captain on the duke’s behalf over the whole of Carinthia, at once with his brother took Carinthia, which the same de Aufsteyn freely handed over to them and gave them possession. And thus our brother lost the Duchy of Carinthia.

Illi vero de comitatu Tyrolis noluerunt se subdere Ludovico, sed permanserunt in obediencia fratris nostri.

Those, however, of the county of Tyrol did not wish to subject themselves to Louis, but remained in obedience to our brother.

Illis peractis venit pater noster in Boemiam et adduxit post se uxorem suam, quam receperat sibi in reginam, nomine Beatricem, filiam ducis de Burbon, de genere regum Francie, cum qua postea genuit unicum filium nomine Wenceslaum. Tunc mali et falsi consiliarii invaluerunt contra nos aput patrem nostrum, lucrum proprium pretendentes, tam Boemi quam de comitatu Luczemburgensi. Accedentes patrem nostrum sibi suggesserunt dicentes: "Domine!

With those things accomplished our father came into Bohemia and brought after him his wife, whom he had received for himself as queen, by the name Beatrice, daughter of the duke of Bourbon, of the lineage of the kings of France, with whom afterwards he begot an only son by the name Wenceslaus. Then evil and false counselors prevailed against us with our father, pretending their own profit, both Bohemians and those from the county of Luxembourg. Approaching, they suggested to our father, saying: "Lord!

provideatis vobis, filius vester habet in regno multa castra et magnam sequelam ex parte vestri; unde si diu ita prevalebit, expellet vos, quando voluerit; nam et ipse heres regni et de stirpe regum Boemie est, et multum diligitur a Boemis, vos autem estis advena." Hoc autem dicebant querentes lucrum et locum suum, ut ipsis committeret castra et bona predicta. Ipse autem in tantum assensit consiliis eorum, quod de nobis diffidebat, et propter hec abstulit nobis omnia castra et administracionem in Boemia et in marchionatu Moravie. Et sic nobis remansit solus titulus marchio Moravie sine re.

provide for yourselves, your son has in the kingdom many castles and a great sequela on your part; whence, if he will prevail thus for long, he will expel you whenever he wishes; for he too is heir of the kingdom and of the stock of the kings of Bohemia, and he is much loved by the Bohemians, but you are a newcomer." But they said this seeking their own profit and place, so that he might commit to them the aforesaid castles and goods. He, moreover, so far assented to their counsels that he distrusted us, and on account of these things he took from us all the castles and the administration in Bohemia and in the Margraviate of Moravia. And so to us there remained the bare title “Margrave of Moravia” without the substance.

Illo tempore equitabamus una dierum de Purglino in Pragam, volentes adire patrem nostrum, qui erat in Moravia, et sic tarde venimus in castrum Pragense ad antiquam domum purgraviatus, ubi mansionem per aliquot annos feceramus, antequam palacium magnum fuerat edificatum. Et nocturno tempore deposuimus nos in lecto, et Bussko de Wilharticz senior in altero ante nos. Et erat magnus ignis in camera, quia tempus hiemale erat, multeque candele ardebant in camera, ita quod lumen sufficiens erat, et ianue et fenestre omnes erant clause.

At that time we were riding one day from Purglin to Prague, wishing to go to our father, who was in Moravia, and thus we came late to the Prague castle, to the old house of the burgraviate, where we had made our dwelling for several years, before the great palace had been constructed. And at night-time we laid ourselves down in the bed, and Bussko of Wilhartice the elder on the other before us. And there was a great fire in the chamber, because it was the winter season, and many candles were burning in the chamber, so that there was sufficient light, and the doors and all the windows were shut.

Et cum incepissemus dormire, tunc deambulabat nescio quid per cameram, ita quod ambo evigilavimus, et fecimus dictum Busskonem surgere, ut videret, quid esset. Ipse autem surgens circumivit per cameram querens, et nichil vidit nec quidquam potuit invenire.

And when we had begun to sleep, then something—I know not what—was perambulating through the chamber, so that we both awoke, and we made the said Bussko rise, to see what it might be. But he, rising, went around the chamber searching, and saw nothing nor could he find anything.

Tunc fecit maiorem ignem et plures candelas incendit, et ivit ad ciffos, qui stabant pleni vino super bancas, et potavit et reposuit unum ciffum prope unam magnam candelam ardentem. Potacione facta tunc deposuit se iterum ad lectum, et nos induti pallio nostro sedebamus in lecto et audiebamus ambulantem, videre tamen neminem poteramus. Et sic respicientes cum predicto Busskone super ciffos et candelas vidimus ciffum proiectum, et idem ciffus proiciebatur, nescimus per quem, ultra lectum Busconis de uno angulo camere usque in alterum in parietem, qui sic reverberatus a pariete cecidit in medium camere.

Then he made a larger fire and lit more candles, and went to the cups, which stood full of wine upon the benches, and drank, and set back one cup near a great burning candle. The potation having been made, then he laid himself down again on the bed, and we, wrapped in our cloak, were sitting on the bed and were hearing someone walking, yet we could see no one. And so, looking together with the aforesaid Bussko at the cups and candles, we saw a cup cast forth, and the same cup was being thrown, we know not by whom, beyond Bussko’s bed from one corner of the chamber to the other onto the wall, which, thus reverberated from the wall, fell in the middle of the chamber.

Videntes hec territi sumus nimium et semper ambulantem in camera audivimus, neminem autem vidimus. Post vero signati sancta cruce in Christi nomine usque in mane dormivimus. Et mane surgentes ciffum, prout proiectus erat, in medio camere invenimus et ea nostris familiaribus ad nos de mane venientibus ostendimus.

Seeing these things, we were exceedingly terrified, and we continually heard someone walking in the chamber, yet we saw no one. Afterwards, having been signed with the holy cross in the name of Christ, we slept until morning. And in the morning, rising, we found the cup, just as it had been thrown, in the middle of the chamber, and we showed these things to our attendants coming to us in the morning.

Illo tempore misit nos pater noster cum pulchro exercitu super ducem Slezie nomine Polconem, dominum Munsterberiensem. Nam ille dux non erat princeps neque vasallus patris nostri et regni Boemie. Pater tamen noster acquisierat civitatem Wratislaviensem per dominum Henricum septimum, ducem Wratislaviensem, qui heredes non habebat.

At that time our father sent us with a fine army against the duke of Silesia named Polcon, lord of Munsterberg. For that duke was not a prince nor a vassal of our father and of the kingdom of Bohemia. Yet our father had acquired the city of Wratislaw through lord Henry the Seventh, duke of Wratislaw, who had no heirs.

Et idem dux acceperat in donum Glacense territorium temporibus vite sue, voluitque pocius predictam civitatem ac ducatum patri nostro et corone regni Boemie perpetuo applicare quam fratri suo Boleslao dimittere, quia ipse et frater suus mutuo sibi inimicabantur. Postquam autem pater noster accepisset possessionem civitatis Wratislaviensis, omnes duces Slezie et Opuliensis subiecerunt se dicioni sue perpetuo ac corone regni Boemie, ut tuerentur et defenderentur a regibus Boemorum, exceptis duce Slezie, domino Swydnicensi, et Polcone domino Munsterberiensi. Cuius territorium devastavimus, prout in cronica scriptum est.

And the same duke had received the Glatz territory as a gift in the times of his life, and he preferred to annex the aforesaid city and duchy to our father and to the crown of the kingdom of Bohemia in perpetuity rather than to leave them to his brother Boleslaus, because he and his brother were mutually inimical to each other. But after our father had taken possession of the city of Wroclaw, all the dukes of Silesia and of Opole subjected themselves in perpetuity to his authority and to the crown of the kingdom of Bohemia, that they might be protected and defended by the kings of the Bohemians, except the duke of Silesia, the lord of Swidnica, and Polcon, lord of Munsterberg. Whose territory we devastated, as is written in the chronicle.

Quod in tantum fuit devastatum, quod ipse coactus est mediantibus placitis esse vasallus patris nostri ac corone regni Boemie sicut et alii duces.

Which was so devastated that he himself was compelled, by the mediation of pleas, to be a vassal of our father and of the crown of the kingdom of Bohemia, just as the other dukes.

Hiis peractis arripuimus iter versus Ungariam ad patrem nostrum, quem invenimus in Wissegrado super Danubio aput regem Karolum primum. Qui ante habuerat sororem patris nostri, ipsa vero defuncta acceperat sororem regis Cracovie Kazomiri, cum qua genuerat tres filios: primogenitum Ludovicum, secundum Andream tercium Stephanum. Ibique fecit idem rex Karolus pacem inter patrem nostrum et Cracovie regem, ita quod renunciaret pater noster iuri sibi debito in inferiori Polonia, scilicet Gneznensi et Kalixiensi et aliis inferioribus provinciis Polonie.

With these things accomplished, we took up the road toward Hungary to our father, whom we found at Visegrad on the Danube, with King Charles the First. He had previously had our father’s sister; she, however, having died, he had taken the sister of the king of Krakow, Casimir, with whom he had begotten three sons: the firstborn Louis, the second Andrew, the third Stephen. And there that same King Charles made peace between our father and the king of Krakow, such that our father would renounce the right due to him in Lower Poland, namely in Gniezno and Kalisz and the other lower provinces of Poland.

Rex vero Cracovie renunciavit patri nostro et regno Boemie pro se et successoribus suis regibus Inferioris Polonie in perpetuum de omni accione omnium ducatuum Slezie et Opulie et civitatis Wratislavie. Nam ante erat dissensio inter eos, quoniam avus noster Wenceslaus secundus, rex Boemie, possederat Inferiorem Poloniam predictam cum ducatibus Cracovie et Sandomerie racione unice filie Przemisl, regis Inferioris Polonie, ducis Cracovie et Sandomerie, quam acceperat in uxorem. Qui Przemisl post mortem suam dederat avo nostro et corone regni Boemie in perpetuum tam regnum quam ducatus possidendos.

But the king of Cracow renounced to our father and to the kingdom of Bohemia, for himself and his successors, kings of Lower Poland, in perpetuity, all action/claim to all the duchies of Silesia and Opole and the city of Wrocław. For previously there had been dissension between them, since our grandfather Wenceslaus the Second, king of Bohemia, had possessed the aforesaid Lower Poland together with the duchies of Cracow and Sandomierz by right of the only daughter of Przemisl, king of Lower Poland, duke of Cracow and Sandomierz, whom he had taken as wife. And this Przemisl, after his death, had given to our grandfather and to the crown of the kingdom of Bohemia in perpetuity both the kingdom and the duchies to be possessed.

Kazomirus vero predictus erat patruus ipsius domine, et dicebat se ius habere in regno Polonie Inferioris, asserendo, quod femina non posset hereditare in regno. Et sic guerra a longis temporibus duraverat inter reges Boemie et Kazomirum ac patrem suum quondam Wladislaum nomine, reges Cracovie seu Inferioris Polonie. Sicque illa guerra concordata fuit per predictum regem Ungarie.

Kazimir, however, the aforesaid, was the paternal uncle of that lady, and he said that he had right in the kingdom of Lower Poland, asserting that a woman could not inherit in the kingdom. And thus war had endured for a long time between the kings of Bohemia and Kazimir and his father, once Wladislaus by name, kings of Cracow, or of Lower Poland. And so that war was concorded—settled—by the aforesaid king of Hungary.

Qui propter hoc ligavit se et promisit esse in adiutorio patris nostri contra ducem Austrie, qui abstulerat fratri nostro ducatum Karinthie, et contra Ludovicum predictum. Hii autem fuerant in hac liga: scilicet pater noster, rex Ungarie, dux Bavarie Henricus, qui sororem nostram habebat in uxorem. Eodem tempore misit nos pater noster in comitatum Tyrolis, ut eundem gubernaremus ac fratrem nostrum cum sua uxore, ipsis existentibus in etate puerili.

Who on account of this bound himself and promised to be in the aid of our father against the duke of Austria, who had taken away from our brother the duchy of Carinthia, and against the aforesaid Louis. But these were in this league: namely our father, the king of Hungary, Henry the duke of Bavaria, who had our sister as wife. At the same time our father sent us into the county of Tyrol, that we might govern the same, and our brother with his wife, they being in the age of childhood.

Sicque euntes intromisimus nos de hiis, sicut pater noster commiserat nobis, fuimusque admissi ad regimen illius patrie per terrigenas comitatus supradicti.

And thus, going forth, we involved ourselves in these affairs, as our father had committed them to us, and we were admitted to the government of that country by the indigenes of the aforesaid county.

Capitulum IX.

CHAPTER 9.

Tempore succedente post pascha die sequenti congregaveramus exercitum de comitatu Tyrolis et intraveramus vallem Pustharie, Prixiensis diocesis, super comitem Goricie, et acquisivimus castrum montis sancti Lamberti. Et transivimus ulterius super predictum comitem et devastavimus terras suas usque clausam, que vocatur Luncz. Et fuimus in campis cum predicto exercitu tribus septimanis in illa devastacione, quia erat adiutor ducum Austrie, inimicorum nostrorum.

As time succeeded, on the day following after Easter, we had congregated an army from the county of Tyrol and had entered the Puster Valley, of the Diocese of Brixen, against the count of Gorizia, and we acquired the castle of Mount Saint Lambert. And we advanced further against the aforesaid count and devastated his lands as far as the enclosure which is called Luncz. And we were in the fields with the aforesaid army for three weeks in that devastation, because he was a helper of the dukes of Austria, our enemies.

In crastino beati Georgii martiris fugavit pater noster Ottonem, ducem Austrie, ultra Danubium et acquisivit multa castra in Austria. Ludovicus vero, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, adiuvabat duces Austrie, et per consequens tota Almania, gubernatoresque civitatum in Lombardia, et specialiter Mastinus de la Scala, gubernator Veronensis, Vindencie, Padue, Tervisii, Brixie, Parmensis et Luccanensis civitatum. Omnes hii nos et comitatum Tyrolis invadebant toto posse, ita quod civitas Tridentina et tota vallis Arthisi erat in magno periculo a Lombardis.

On the morrow of blessed George the martyr our father put Otto, duke of Austria, to flight beyond the Danube and acquired many castles in Austria. But Louis, who bore himself as emperor, was aiding the dukes of Austria, and consequently all Germany, and the governors of the cities in Lombardy, and especially Mastinus de la Scala, governor of the cities of Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Brescia, Parma, and Lucca. All these were invading us and the county of Tyrol with their whole might, so that the city of Trent and the whole valley of Arthisi was in great danger from the Lombards.

Valli vero Eni tam a Suevis quam a Bavaris pericula magna imminebant, ita quod totus comitatus Tyrolis erat in magnis periculis quasi ex omnibus partibus. Illo tempore fecimus Nicolaum nacione Brunensem, cancellarium nostrum, episcopum Tridentinum, et Brixinensem nomine Matheum, capellanum fratris nostri, quia ambo episcopatus vacabant tempore eodem.

But the valley of the Inn was menaced with great dangers both by the Swabians and by the Bavarians, so that the whole county of Tyrol was in great perils, as it were, from all sides. At that time we made Nicholas, by nation of Brünn, our chancellor, Bishop of Trent, and Matthew by name, the chaplain of our brother, Bishop of Brixen, because both bishoprics were vacant at the same time.

Estate vero eadem Ludovicus, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, magnum exercitum cum omnibus principibus Almanie [duxit] contra Henricum, ducem Bavarie, sororium nostrum, qui tunc nobiscum erat. Dux autem Austrie venit in subsidium eidem Ludovico per Pataviam; pater vero noster veniens dicto Henrico in auxilium, metati sunt castra penes unum rivum iuxta Landow. Tunc venit dictus Ludovicus cum duce Austrie et cum aliis cum exercitu magno.

In the same summer, Louis, who was conducting himself as emperor, [led] a great army with all the princes of Germany against Henry, duke of Bavaria, our brother-in-law, who was then with us. But the duke of Austria came to the same Louis’s aid via Padua; our father, however, coming to the aid of the said Henry, they pitched their camp beside a certain stream near Landow. Then the said Louis came with the duke of Austria and with others, with a great army.

Et quia propter rivum eis accessus non patebat, devastantes Bavariam per unum mensem, licet exercitus ducis Henrici minor esset, tamen dictus Ludovicus cum duce Austrie sine voluntatis eorum complemento ad propria sunt reversi. Tempore vero eodem volentes venire patri nostro et predicto sororio in auxilium de comitatu Tyrolis cum magna gente tam peditum quam equitum, non poteramus transire per Cupfsteyn, ubi erat filius Ludovici, quem cum eadem gente ibidem obsedimus tanto tempore, quanto predicti principes adversus se iacebant in campis. Cum autem separati ipsi fuissent, versus Tyrolis sumus reversi.

And because, on account of the stream, access was not open to them, laying waste Bavaria for one month, although the army of Duke Henry was smaller, nevertheless the said Louis with the Duke of Austria, without the completion of their will, returned to their own homes. But at the same time, wishing to come to our father and to the aforesaid brother-in-law as aid from the County of Tyrol with a great force both of foot-soldiers and of horsemen, we could not cross through Cupfsteyn, where the son of Louis was, whom with the same force we besieged in that place for as long a time as the aforesaid princes lay against one another in the fields. But when they had been separated, we turned back toward Tyrol.

Post hec circa festum Michaelis tractata fuit concordia inter patrem nostrum et ducem Austrie, sic quod dux Austrie restituit civitatem Znoymensem, quam pater noster dederat eidem cum filia sua in dotem, magnamque partem pecunie dedit patri nostro et quedam castra circa fluvium Drave ad comitatum Tyrolis fratri nostro; ducatum vero Karinthie pro se debuit retinere.

After these things, around the Feast of Michael, a concord was negotiated between our father and the Duke of Austria, such that the Duke of Austria restituted the city of Znojmo, which our father had given to him with his daughter as a dowry, and he gave a great part of money to our father, and certain castles around the river Drava to our brother for the County of Tyrol; but he was to retain the Duchy of Carinthia for himself.

Demum eadem hieme ivimus cum patre nostro versus Prussiam contra Litwanos. Fueruntque nobiscum ibidem comites Wilhelmus iuvenis de Holandia, de Montibus, iuvenis de Lo et quam plures alii comites et barones. Hiemps vero tam mollis erat, quod glacies non erat; unde procedere contra Litwanos non potuimus, sed reversi sumus unusquisque ad propria.

At length in the same winter we went with our father toward Prussia against the Lithuanians. And with us there were counts William the Younger of Holland, the Count of Montibus, the young man of Lo, and very many other counts and barons. The winter, indeed, was so mild that there was no ice; whence we could not proceed against the Lithuanians, but we returned, each to his own.

Cum autem orta fuisset inter Lombardos magna guerra, quam tractaveramus antequam exiremus de Tyrolis, scilicet propter ligam, quam fecerant Veneti, Florentini, Mediolanenses, Ferrarienses, Mantuani, Bononienses et quam plures alii contra Mastinum de la Scala, gubernatorem Veronensem [et] Paduanum, qui inimicus noster erat, ut supra apparet, eodem tempore de mense Aprilis ivimus per Moraviam in Austriam volentes Lombardiam intrare, ubi dux Austrie noluit nobis prestare conductum. Tunc locantes nos ad naves, transivimus ad regem Ungarie, qui de civitate Bude dedit nobis conductum per Ungariam, Chorvatiam, Dalmaciam usque in civitatem Senii supra litus maris, ubi intravimus mare. Quod Venetorum capitanei rescientes, nos, quamvis essemus eorum amici, captivare voluerunt.

When, however, a great war had arisen among the Lombards, which we had negotiated before we went out of Tyrol, namely on account of the league which the Venetians, Florentines, Milanese, Ferrarese, Mantuan, Bolognese, and very many others had made against Mastino della Scala, the governor of Verona [and] of Padua, who was our enemy, as appears above, at that same time in the month of April we went through Moravia into Austria, wishing to enter Lombardy, where the duke of Austria did not wish to grant us safe-conduct. Then, taking ourselves to ships, we crossed over to the king of Hungary, who from the city of Buda gave us safe-conduct through Hungary, Croatia, Dalmatia as far as the city of Senj upon the sea-shore, where we entered the sea. Learning this, the captains of the Venetians wished to capture us, although we were their friends.

Unde galliam nostram circumvallaverunt per gallias suas, ita quod gallia nostra minime evadere poterat. Et cum nona die pervenissemus ante civitatem eorum Gradensem, acquiescentes consilio Bartholomei comitis Wegle et Senii, qui nobiscum erat in gallia, mandavimus, ut ipsis per nostros diceretur: "Ecce domini, scimus, quod manus vestras minime possumus evadere, placeat vobis ad civitatem premittere et tractare qualiter nos velitis suscipere in civitatem." Et dum cum eis pulchris verbis loquerentur, per foramina gallee cecidimus in parvam parcham piscatoris cum dicto Bartholomeo et Johanne de Lipa. Et sic cooperti saccis et retibus transivimus per galleas eorum et pervenimus ad portum inter arundines.

Whence they encircled our galley by means of their galleys, so that our galley could by no means escape. And when on the ninth day we had arrived before their city of Grado, acquiescing in the counsel of Bartholomew, Count of Vegla and Senj, who was with us in the galley, we gave orders that it be said to them through our men: “Behold, lords, we know that we can in no wise escape your hands; may it please you to send ahead to the city and treat how you wish to receive us into the city.” And while they were speaking to them with fair words, through the openings of the galley we dropped into a small fisherman’s barque with the said Bartholomew and John of Lipa. And thus, covered with sacks and nets, we passed through their galleys and came to a harbor among the reeds.

Et sic manus eorum evadentes ivimus pedes usque Aquilegiam. Ipsi vero captivaverunt galleam nostram cum omni familia, quam per aliquot dies tenuerunt in captivitate et ipsam dimiserunt. Et cum essemus in Aquilegia, notificavimus nos hospiti nostro, qui consilio civitatis mox notificavit, cives vero usque ad patriarche noticiam perduxerunt.

And thus, escaping their hands, we went on foot as far as Aquileia. They, however, captured our galley with all the household, whom they held in captivity for several days, and they released the galley itself. And when we were in Aquileia, we notified our host, who at once notified the council of the city; and the citizens, indeed, carried it even to the patriarch’s notice.

Patriarcha mox civitatem ingressus cum magno honore cleri et populi campanis pulsatis nos suscipiens in palacium suum deduxit. Et sic cum magno honore familia nostra ad nos de captivitate perveniente in terra sua per quatuor septimanas nos tractans, confirmatus est nobiscum deducens nos per vallem Cad usque in comitatum Tyrolis, [ubi pro tunc pro fratre nostro, qui puer et parvus erat, presidebamus].

The Patriarch, having at once entered the city with great honor of the clergy and the people, the bells having been rung, receiving us led us into his palace. And thus, with great honor, our household, arriving back to us from captivity, he treating us in his land for four weeks, he concluded a firm agreement with us, conducting us through the Cad valley as far as the county of Tyrol, [where for the time being, on behalf of our brother, who was a boy and small, we were presiding].

Capitulum X.

Chapter 10.

De mense autem Junii cum obsedissent Veneti, Florentini, Mediolanenses, Mantuani, Ferrarienses et alii eorum complices civitatem Padue cum maxima gente, quasi cum decem milibus equitum armatorum et cum infinito numero peditam, et aliqua pars gentis eorum obsedissent eciam civitatem Feltrensem cum episcopo Feltrensi, Siccone de Caldinacio, comitibus Seneensibus, dominis de Camino. Et dum diu stetissent in obsidione cum quingentis galeatis et multis peditibus, quia civitas Paduana cum Feltrensi erat de dominio Mastini de la Scala, domini Veronensis, et aliarum civitatum, que supra nominate sunt, et iam predicti Veneti acquisivissent Tunglan, Saraballum et Bassanum, que de dominio dicti Mastini extiterant, comesque de Colalto, advocatus Tervisii, et quam plures alii rebellassent predicto Mastino et starent cum Venetis: quidam civis civitatis Bellunii nomine Sudracius de Bongagio timens, ne amitteretur sic civitas Feltrensis, et per consequens Bellunium perveniret in manus Venetorum, quos specialiter odio habebat, et videns se obsessum ex omni parte, cogitavit de Jacobo Auoschano, qui cum castris . . . . . et Budensteyn et cum aliquibus montanis pertinentibus ad dominium Bellunii dicioni nostre se supposuerat, et comitatus consilia eius, dum in Parma, eramus, [sine sciencia] utriusque partis, tam Veronensis quam Venetorum venit ad nos secrete, ne rescirent Veneti et dominus Veronensis, quia contra ipsum faciebat, dicens: "Si possetis devincere et fugare hostes a civitate Feltrensi, unam portam civitatis vellem vobis aperire, quia pocius vobis faveo de civitate quam alteri cuicumque. Ego vero attendens verba ipsius posui sibi certam diem, qua secrete venirem.

But in the month of June, when the Venetians, Florentines, Milanese, Mantuan, Ferrarese, and other their accomplices had besieged the city of Padua with a very great people, as if with ten thousand armored horsemen and with an infinite number of foot‑soldiers, and some part of their people had also besieged the city of Feltre with the bishop of Feltre, Sicco of Caldonazzo, the Sienese counts, the lords of Camino. And while they had long stood in the siege with five hundred men‑at‑arms in helmets and many foot‑soldiers, because the city of Padua together with Feltre was of the dominion of Mastino de la Scala, lord of Verona, and of the other cities which are named above, and already the aforesaid Venetians had acquired Tunglan, Saraballum, and Bassano, which had been of the dominion of the said Mastino, and the count of Colalto, advocate of Treviso, and very many others had rebelled against the aforesaid Mastino and were standing with the Venetians: a certain citizen of the city of Belluno named Sudracius de Bongagio, fearing lest thus the city of Feltre be lost, and consequently Belluno come into the hands of the Venetians, whom he held in special hatred, and seeing himself besieged from every side, thought of Jacob Auoschanus, who with the castles . . . . . and Budensteyn and with some mountains pertaining to the dominion of Belluno had subjected himself to our jurisdiction, and, having adopted his counsels, while we were in Parma, [without knowledge] of either party, both the Veronese and the Venetians, he came to us secretly, lest the Venetians and the lord of Verona learn of it, because he was acting against him, saying: "If you could utterly conquer and put to flight the enemies from the city of Feltre, I would be willing to open one gate of the city for you, because I favor you for the city rather than any other whatsoever." I, indeed, attending to his words, set for him a fixed day on which I would come secretly.

Et quia oportebat me sapienter congregare homines, propter quoddam duellum duorum nobilium in diocesi Noviforensi super Athesim convocans multos nobiles sub colore, si amici eorum facerent aliquam dissensionem, quod possem eos tueri in duello, ne resciretur, propter quid congregacionem facerem, ut civitatem Feltrensem secrete adire possem.

And because it was needful for me wisely to congregate men, on account of a certain duel of two nobles in the diocese of Noviforensis upon the Athesis, summoning many nobles under the color that, if their friends should make any dissension, I might be able to protect them in the duel, lest it be found out for what reason I was making the congregation, so that I might be able to approach the city of Feltre secretly.

Victorem vero ac interfectorem alterius, qui in duello dicto triumphaverat et obtinuerat, cinximus gladio militari. Et cum hec facta fuissent, rogavi miliciam, que presens aderat, quod deberet ire nobiscum, partes nullo sciente, ubi volebamus. Ipsi vero parati exhibentes se continuo arripuerunt iter mecum, et equitaverunt equitantes mecum per vallem Flemarum tota nocte.

Indeed, the victor and slayer of the other, who in the said duel had triumphed and prevailed, we girded with the military sword. And when these things had been done, I begged the militia, which was present, that it ought to go with us, to the parts, with no one knowing, where we wished. They, for their part, showing themselves ready, straightway seized the journey with me, and rode, riding with me, through the valley of Flemarum the whole night.

Crastino vero die equitavi per deserta montana, que vadunt per Castruginum, ubi non consueverunt homines equitare. Et cum pervenissem ad nemus, quod est inter Castruginum et Prymeyam, viam habere non potui propter evulsas arbores; et sic desperabat exercitus meus. Tunc ego pedes cum aliquibus peditibus per abrupta moncium et viarum dudum destructarum quesivimus viam, ita quod pervenimus ultra nemus, custodibus silve dudum recedentibus propter solis occasum nec suspicantibus, aliquem timorem seu periculum ibidem ab aliquo ipsis imminere.

But on the next day I rode through desolate mountains, which go by Castruginum, where men are not accustomed to ride. And when I had reached the grove which is between Castruginum and Prymeya, I could not have a way because of the uprooted trees; and thus my army despaired. Then I, on foot, with some foot-soldiers, through the abrupt places of the mountains and of roads long since destroyed, sought a way, such that we came beyond the grove, the guardians of the wood having a while before withdrawn on account of the sun’s setting and not suspecting that any fear or peril was there imminent to them from anyone.

Et sic viam fecimus nobis in montibus. Ipsis vero nos sequentibus venimus ad castrum Permense, quod eciam obsessum fuerat per Venetos, et fugatis inimicis cepimus illud. Qui venientes ad societatem suam, que iacebat ante Feltrensem [civitatem], dixerunt, quod magna gens, quam nescirent, cuius esset, veniret super eos.

And thus we made a way for ourselves in the mountains. And with them indeed following us, we came to the Permense castle, which also had been besieged by the Venetians, and with the enemies put to flight we captured it. Those who, coming to their company, which lay before the Feltrine [city], said that a great host, whose it was they did not know, was coming upon them.

Qui audientes a civitate nocte recesserunt. Castrum vero die altera transientes de Prymeio versus Agordum et de Agordo festinanter ivimus ad civitatem Belluniensem. Et premisimus ad Andigetum, cum quo tractaveramus, significantes sibi, quod essemus prope civitatem cum gente.

Who, hearing this, withdrew from the city by night. But on the next day, passing by the castle, from Prymeio toward Agordum, and from Agordum we hastened to the city of Belluno. And we sent ahead to Andigetus, with whom we had negotiated, signifying to him that we were near the city with a force.

Qui statim accedens capitaneos et rectores, dixit eis, quod nuncii venissent sibi dicentes, quod comites Clarmonetenses, [socii] Mastini de la Scala, domini eorum, venissent cum magno exercitu fugando inimicos ipsis in auxilium. Qui letanter apperuerunt portas, putantes amicos esse. Et ego intravi portas im die beati Procopii quarta die mensis Julii.

Who, immediately approaching the captains and rectors, said to them that messengers had come to him saying that the Counts of Clermont, [allies] of Mastino della Scala, their lord, had come with a great army, putting the enemies to flight, to their aid. They gladly opened the gates, thinking them to be friends. And I entered the gates on the day of blessed Procopius, on the fourth day of the month of July.

Et cum omnes intrassent, aperui banneria regni Boemie et comitatus Tyrolis. Ipsi vero videntes inimicos, stupefacti nesciebant, quid essent facturi, nec poterant resistere potencie nostre. Et sic per dei graciam obtinuimus civitatem.

And when all had entered, I unfurled the banners of the kingdom of Bohemia and of the county of Tyrol. They, however, seeing the enemies, stupefied did not know what they were going to do, nor were they able to resist our potency. And thus by the grace of God we obtained the city.

Castrum vero aliquot diebus tenebatur contra nos; minis tamen impositis qui in castro fuerant, castrum in manus nostras resignaverunt. Deinde posuimus exercitum ante civitatem Feltrensem. Et quia Veronensis tunc occupabatur cum Venetis et ipsi secum, unde nocere nobis et exercitui nostro minime poterant, sed utrique eorum nobiscum tractabant, nos sibi in adiutorium attrahere cupientes.

The castle, however, was held for some days against us; yet, threats having been imposed upon those who had been in the castle, they resigned the castle into our hands. Then we placed the army before the city of Feltre. And because the Veronese was then occupied with the Venetians, and they with him, whence they were by no means able to harm us and our army; rather both of them were negotiating with us, desiring to draw us to themselves into aid.

Et cum stetissemus per sex septimanas in obsidione civitatis Feltrensis, concordati sumus cum Venetis. Et ligaverunt se nobiscum, ita ut nobis assisterent cum tota potencia in guerra illa adversus Mastinum de Scala. Et miserunt nobis in expensis propriis septingentos galeatos et multos pedites.

And when we had stood for six weeks in the siege of the city of Feltre, we came to concord with the Venetians. And they bound themselves with us, so that they would assist us with all their power in that war against Mastino della Scala. And they sent to us, at their own expense, 700 helmeted men-at-arms and many infantry.

Nos vero dimmittentes fratrem nostrum cum exercitu ivimus Venecias, ubi cum magno honore suscepti magnaque tractati reverencia ligam mutuam firmavimus et inde reversi Feltrensem civitatem fame acquisivimus. Illi quoque de Corraria Paduani tractaverunt nobiscum et ceperunt civitatem Paduam et captivaverunt Albertum, seniorem fratrem Mastini, quem Venetis in captivitatem dederunt. Et remanentes servitores nostri retinuerunt Paduam in sua potestate.

We, indeed, sending away our brother with the army, went to Venice, where, received with great honor and treated with great reverence, we established a mutual league; and returning from there we acquired the city of Feltre by famine. Those also of the Carrara, the Paduans, negotiated with us and took the city of Padua and captured Albert, the elder brother of Mastino, whom they delivered into captivity to the Venetians. And our remaining servitors retained Padua in their power.

Nos vero dimittentes servitores nostros constituimus in civitatibus Feltrensi et Belluniensi et castris capitaneos Volcmarum de Burchstall magnatem de comitatu Tyrolis in Feltrensi, in civitate Bellunii Andigetum de Bongagio, capitaneum vero guerre contra Veronenses Johannem de Lipa, qui septimo die capitaneatus mortuus est, loco cuius Leporem substitui.

We, however, sending out our retainers, appointed in the cities of Feltre and Belluno and in the castles captains: Volcmar of Burchstall, a magnate of the county of Tyrol, in Feltre; in the city of Belluno, Andiget of Bongagio; and as captain of the war against the Veronese, John of Lipa, who on the seventh day of his captaincy died, in whose place I substituted Leporem.

Sic reversi in comitatum Tyrolis, ivimus in vallem Eni, abinde in regnum Boemie, et confederati sumus cum ducibus Austrie; nam ante non eramus amici. Illa hieme in carnisprivio tradidimus filiam nostram primogenitam Margaretham Ludovico, primogenito Karoli, regis Ungarie, et ligavimus nos contra omnem hominem. Post hoc vero, cum sororius noster in crastinum nos ad prandium invitasset, in ortu solis unus militum suscitavit nos de sompno dicens: Domine surgatis, dies novissimus adest, quia totus mundus plenus est locustis.

Thus, having returned into the county of Tyrol, we went into the valley of the Inn, thence into the kingdom of Bohemia, and we were confederated with the dukes of Austria; for before we were not friends. That winter, at Shrovetide, we handed over our firstborn daughter Margaret to Louis, firstborn of Charles, king of Hungary, and we bound ourselves against every man. After this, when our brother-in-law had invited us to dinner for the next day, at sunrise one of the soldiers roused us from sleep, saying: Lord, arise, the last day is at hand, because the whole world is full of locusts.

Tunc surgentes ascendimus equum, [et) velociter cucurrimus volentes finem videre earum usque in Pulcauiam, ubi finis earum erat per septem miliaria in longitudine; latitudinem vero earum minime potuimus considerare. Quarum vox erat similis sono tumultuanti, ale earum erant scripte quasi denigratis litteris, et erant in spissitudine quasi nix condensate, ita quod sol propter eas videri non poterat. Fetor magnus procedebat ab eis.

Then, rising, we mounted our horses, [and) we ran swiftly, wishing to see their end, as far as Pulcauia, where their end extended for 7 miles in length; but their breadth we could by no means ascertain. Their voice was like a tumultuous sound, their wings were as if inscribed with blackened letters, and they were in density as if snow condensed, so that the sun could not be seen on account of them. A great fetor issued from them.

Et divise sunt alie versus Bavariam, alie [versus] Franconiam, alie versus Lombardiam, alie hinc inde per universam terram. Et erant generative, quia due per noctem viginti generabant et ultra; erant parvule, sed cito crescebant et inveniebantur in tertium annum. Eodem tempore infra duos menses mortui sunt soror nostra et sororius dux Austrie, quos ab eo tempore nunquam vidimus.

And some were divided toward Bavaria, others [toward] Franconia, others toward Lombardy, others here and there through the whole land. And they were generative, for two in a night generated twenty and more; they were little, but they grew quickly and were found into the third year. At the same time, within two months our sister and our brother-in-law, the duke of Austria, died, whom from that time we never saw again.

Capitulum XI.

Chapter 11.

Cum autem venissemus in Boemiam, contigit nos venire de Boleslavia in Tussyn, et cum sompnus nos cepisset invadere, supervenit nobis fortis imaginacio de illo evangelio: "Simile est regnum celorum thesauro abscondito in agro" etc., quod legitur in die Ludmille. Et sic incipiens imaginari in sompniis incepi expositionem. Evigilans vero retinui conceptum prime partis evangelii et sic divina gratia adiuvante perfeci, que sic incipit: "Simile est regnum celorum" etc.

But when we had come into Bohemia, it befell us to come from Boleslavia to Tussyn, and when sleep had begun to invade us, there came upon us a strong imagination concerning that gospel: "The kingdom of the heavens is like to a treasure hidden in a field," etc., which is read on the day of Ludmilla. And so, beginning to imagine in dreams, I began the exposition. On waking, indeed, I retained the conception of the first part of the gospel, and thus, with divine grace helping, I brought it to completion, which thus begins: "The kingdom of the heavens is like," etc.

Fratres, eloquium sanctorum evangeliorum nemo potest exponere, quia intellectus eorum tante est profunditatis, quod nemo potest ad eorum eminenciam plene pertingere, nec ipsorum sensum sufficienter enarrare. Quod Paulus in epistola ait: "O altitudo diviciarum, sapiencie et sciencie dei, quam incomprehensibilia sunt iudicia eius et investigabiles vie eius." Et idem: "Quis enim cognovit sensum domini, aut quis consiliarius eius fuit." Tamen quantum michi datum est desuper a divina clemencia, a qua omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum descendit, ut scribit Jacobus in canonica sua, ad intelligenciam istius sancti evangelii vobis aliquid describere cupio, quod vos, carissimi, fraterne rogo suscipere et puri cordis sinceritate contemplari. Audivit namque vestra dileccio, quod Matheus in presenti parabola regnum celorum thesauro abscondito in agro assimilat, per quem quidem thesaurum non improprie spiritus sanctus designatur, quem homo invenit per caritatem et graciam Jesu Christi, qui promisit fidelibus in evangelio Johannis dicens: "Rogabo patrem meum, et alium paraclitum dabit vobis, ut maneat vobiscum in eternum, spiritum veritatis.

Brothers, no one can expound the utterance of the holy Gospels, because their understanding is of such profundity that no one can fully attain to their eminence, nor sufficiently narrate their sense. As Paul says in the Epistle: “O depth of the riches, of the wisdom and knowledge of God, how incomprehensible are his judgments and untraceable his ways.” And likewise: “For who has known the mind of the Lord, or who has been his counselor?” Yet, in so far as it has been given to me from above by divine clemency—whence every best giving and every perfect gift descends from above, as James writes in his canonical [epistle]—I desire to set down for you something toward the understanding of this holy Gospel, which I, dearest ones, fraternally ask you to receive and to contemplate with the sincerity of a pure heart. For your love has heard that Matthew in the present parable assimilates the kingdom of the heavens to a treasure hidden in a field, by which treasure, not improperly, the Holy Spirit is designated, whom a man finds through the charity and grace of Jesus Christ, who promised to the faithful in the Gospel of John, saying: “I will ask my Father, and he will give you another Paraclete, that he may remain with you forever, the Spirit of truth.”

Per agrum vero sive per terram, in quo thesaurus ille inuenitur, designatur cor hominis, ubi seminat homo bona et mala opera, quae referunt fructum anime sue inposterum, prout ibi seminavit, sicut a parte innuit Lucas dicens: "Quod autem cecidit in terram bonam, hii sunt, qui in corde bono et optimo audientes verbum dei retinent et fructum afferunt in paciencia." Thesaurus autem ille vere est absconditus a peccatoribus et indignis, qui nolunt cognicionem habere nec penitenciam agere, et sic perdunt oculos gracie, quod thesaurum illum invenire non possunt excecati. De quibus dicit propheta: "Oculos habent et non videbunt." Sed homo vere contritus invenit illum thesaurum per graciam Jesu Christi, ut supra dictum est, quia iuxta verbum psalmisticum: "Cor contritum et humiliatum deus non despicit, sed sua exuberante misericordia illud consolatur semper et coadiuvat, ut legitur in psalmo: "Delectare in domino, et dabit tibi peticiones cordis tui." Thesaurum vero illum cum homo contritus invenit, abscondit eum in corde suo, vigilans et timens atque custodiens eum, ne diabolus, adversarius noster, qui, ut Petrus ait, circuit querens, quem devoret, ipsum aufferat de corde suo.

By the field indeed, or by the land, in which that treasure is found, is designated the heart of man, where a man sows good and evil works, which return the fruit of his soul thereafter, according as he sowed there, as in part Luke hints, saying: "But that which fell into good soil, these are they who, in a good and excellent heart, hearing the word of God, hold it fast and bear fruit in patience." But that treasure is truly hidden from sinners and the unworthy, who are unwilling to have cognition nor to do penitence, and thus they lose the eyes of grace, so that, blinded, they cannot find that treasure. Of whom the prophet says: "They have eyes and they will not see." But a truly contrite man finds that treasure through the grace of Jesus Christ, as was said above, for, according to the psalmic word: "A contrite and humbled heart God does not despise, but with his overflowing mercy he ever consoles it and aids it," as it is read in the Psalm: "Delight yourself in the Lord, and he will give you the petitions of your heart." But when a contrite man finds that treasure, he hides it in his heart, keeping watch and fearing and guarding it, lest the devil, our adversary, who, as Peter says, goes around seeking whom he may devour, should snatch it from his heart.

Secundum quod potest intelligi, quod in evangelio Mathei legitur: "Nesciat sinistra tua, quid faciat dextra tua." Sed notandum est, quod "pre gaudio illius vadit," quod designat festinacionem, nam ad bona opera festinare debemus. Unde in evangelio Luce: "Exi cito in plateas et vicos civitatis et pauperes et claudos, ac debiles introduc huc." Sequitur autem in superiori parabola, quod homo ille invento thesauro abiit et vendidit universa, que habuit, scilicet peccata sua, per renunciacionem malorum operum. Ad quod accedit, quod de Matheo in evangelio Luce scribitur: "Qui reliquit omnia sua," et illud: "Nisi quis renunciaverit omnibus, que possidet non potest meus esse discipulus." Que uendicio et renunciacio debet fieri in foro, et non in quolibet, sed in foro consciencie duntaxat, per puram videlicet confessionem, integram contricionem, et coram sacerdote per deum ad hoc deputato secundum doctrinam Christi: "Ite, ostendite vos sacerdotibus." Ad quod Jacobus in epistola sua nos hortatur, dicens: "Confitemini alterutrum peccata vestra." Pro quibus quidem malis operibus cum ea vendiderit et ipsis renunciaverit, debet bona opera recipere et possessione agri illius, videlicet cordis, quem possidere debet in charitate et paciencia, et in eo thesaurum predictum recondere.

According as it can be understood, what is read in the Gospel of Matthew: “Let not your left hand know what your right hand is doing.” But it should be noted, that “for the joy of it he goes,” which designates hastening, for we ought to hasten to good works. Whence in the Gospel of Luke: “Go out quickly into the streets and lanes of the city and bring in here the poor and the lame, and the weak.” It follows moreover in the preceding parable, that that man, having found the treasure, went away and sold all that he had, namely his sins, through the renunciation of evil works. To which there is added what is written about Matthew in the Gospel of Luke: “Who left all his things,” and that: “Unless someone shall have renounced all that he possesses, he cannot be my disciple.” Which sale and renunciation ought to be done in the forum, and not in just any, but in the forum of conscience only, that is to say, by pure confession, complete contrition, and before a priest appointed to this by God according to the doctrine of Christ: “Go, show yourselves to the priests.” To which James in his epistle exhorts us, saying: “Confess your sins to one another.” For which evil works indeed, when he shall have sold them and renounced them, he ought to receive good works and the possession of that field, namely the heart, which he ought to possess in charity and patience, and in it to lay up the aforesaid treasure.

Quem thesaurum in regno celorum, si perseverans remanserit, in eternum possidebit iuxta dictum Mathei: "Thesaurisate vobis thesauros in celis, ubi nec tinea nec erugo demolitur."

Which treasure in the kingdom of the heavens, if he shall have remained persevering, he will possess forever, according to the saying of Matthew: "Treasure up for yourselves treasures in the heavens, where neither moth nor rust demolishes."

Capitulum XII.

Chapter 12.

"Simile est regnum celorum homini negociatori querenti bonas margaritas, inventa una preciosa margarita abiit et vendidit omnia, que habuit, et emit eam." Circa quam parabolam primo notandum est, quod margarita gemma est mundissima, clari coloris et sine ulla macula, et ideo in hac parabola mistico intellectu legi debet, in qua multa bona, munda et clara ac immaculata opera continentur, non immerito potest similari. Iste vero homo negociator, de quo refert evangelista, in propria significacione pro homine, videlicet in via presentis seculi fluctuante retinetur, qui variis laboribus et multis continue miseriis et negociis secularibus occupatur, et ut in Iob legitur, nunquam in eodem statu permanet. Et ideo proprie negociator dicitur ac homini negociatori similatur, qui semper debet querendo ambulare et ambulando querere, ut illam preciosam nnargaritam inveniat, videlicet legem domini, quam sic querendo ac perambulando utique inveniet, ut dicit Lucas in evangelio suo: "Querite, et invenietis." Cum autem homo sic querendo in hoc seculo invenit legem domini, in qua, ut supra dictum est, sunt multa bona, munda, clara et immaculata opera atque virtuosa; eam merito assimilare potest illi preciose margarite, quam homo ille invenit et abiit et vendidit universa, que habuit, et emit eam, que juste preciosa dicitur, quia nihil preciosius ac maius in hoc seculo, quam ut iuxta preceptum dei mandata ipsius, que in huiusmodi lege continentur, diligenter observare, quod deo iubente nobis in evangelio Johannis precipitur, cum dicitur: Si diligitis me, mandata mea servate; per quorum observacionem mandatorum deo servire censebitur et per consequens corregnabit.

"The kingdom of the heavens is like a merchant-man seeking good pearls; upon finding one precious pearl he went away and sold all that he had, and bought it." Concerning which parable it is first to be noted that the pearl is a most pure gem, of bright color and without any spot; and therefore in this parable, by mystical understanding, the Law ought to be read, to which it may not without cause be likened, in which many good, clean, bright, and immaculate works are contained. Now this merchant-man, of whom the evangelist reports, in its proper signification is taken for a man, namely as tossed upon the road of the present age, who is occupied with various labors and continually with many miseries and secular businesses, and, as it is read in Job, never remains in the same state. And therefore he is properly called a merchant and is likened to a negotiating man, who must always go seeking and, by going, seek, so that he may find that precious pearl, namely the law of the Lord, which by thus seeking and traveling about he will indeed find, as Luke says in his Gospel: "Seek, and you will find." But when a man by thus seeking in this age finds the law of the Lord, in which, as was said above, there are many good, clean, bright, and immaculate works and virtues, he may rightly liken it to that precious pearl, which that man found and went away and sold all that he had and bought it, which is justly called precious, because there is nothing more precious and greater in this age than, according to the precept of God, diligently to observe his commandments, which are contained in such a law—something that, with God commanding, is enjoined upon us in the Gospel of John, when it is said: "If you love me, keep my commandments"; through the observance of which commandments he will be deemed to serve God and, consequently, to co-reign.

Et sic posset intelligi, quod dicit Augustinus: Deo servire est regnare. Et idem: Servans legem et mandata dei, que in lege dei continentur, deo servit, et sibi corregnabit.

And thus what Augustine says could be understood: To serve God is to reign. And likewise: The one keeping the law and the commandments of God, which are contained in the law of God, serves God, and will co‑reign with Him.

Quod autem dicitur superius in parabola, quod homo ille abiit et vendidit universa, que habuit et emit margaritam illam, significat iam vitam transitoriam, in qua nunc negociamur et sumus. In qua quidem homo de die in diem transit et abit, et plus morti sue cottidie accedendo, unde in ipsa vita universa, que habet, vendere debet peccata et cuncta terrena desideria carnales concupiscencias, se per abstinenciam et alia bona opera cohibendo, et pro eis debet emere legem dei, que est illa preciosa margarita, quam si bene custodierit, transeundo sic in via recta, profecto beatus erit. Dicitur anim in psalmo: "Beati immaculati in via, qui ambulant in lege domini." Et sic beatificatus, immaculatus et mundus portam regni celorum subintrabit.

But what is said above in the parable, that that man went off and sold all the things that he had and bought that pearl, already signifies the transitory life, in which we now negotiate and are. In which indeed a man passes and goes from day to day, and by drawing nearer daily to his death; whence in that very life he ought to sell all the things that he has—sins and all earthly desires, carnal concupiscences—restraining himself by abstinence and other good works; and in exchange for them he ought to buy the law of God, which is that precious pearl, which, if he shall well guard, thus passing along the straight way, surely he will be blessed. It is said in the psalm: "Blessed are the immaculate in the way, who walk in the law of the Lord." And thus beatified, immaculate, and clean, he will enter within the gate of the kingdom of the heavens.

Illam quippe portam, que est una de preciosis margaritis, que in virtute eiusdem margarite, videlicet legis domini, confestim aperietur [ei], et tunc videbit virtutem margarite ipsius, que est de portis sancte civitatis Iherusalem, cum per illam eandem sanctam civitatem subintrabit, de qua et eius portis Johannes in Apocalypsi inquiens ait: "Duodecim porte civitatis, duodecim margarite sunt per singulas, et singule porte erant ex singulis margaritis."

That gate indeed, which is one of the precious margarites, which by the virtue of that same margarite, namely the law of the Lord, will forthwith be opened [to him], and then he will see the virtue of that margarite itself, which is of the gates of the holy city Jerusalem, when through it he will enter within that same holy city; of which and of its gates John in the Apocalypse, saying, says: “The twelve gates of the city are twelve margarites, one apiece; and each gate was from a single margarite.”

Capitulum XIII.

CHAPTER 13.

"Simile est regnum celorum sagene misse in mare, et ex omni genere piscium [in eam] congreganti." Per sagenam possumus intelligere verbum dei, que missa fuit per apostolos, quando eis preceptum fuit in evangelio Marci: "Ite in universum mundum et predicate evangelium omni creature." Fuit autem per eos missa in mare, id est, in hunc mundum, unde notanter fuit eis dictum: ite in mundum universum, qui utique hic per mare mistice et satis proprie designatur. Nam sicut mare nunquam quiescit, sed semper movetur motu fluxus et refluxus et navigantes in eo suis undis et procellis hinc inde agitat et perturbat: sic mundus ille innumerabilibus motibus continue movetur, et in eo se fluctuantes suis insidiis et paratis periculis semper inquietat et impugnat. Quibus periculis in hoc mari naufrago propheta comprehensus ad dominum exclamat.

"The kingdom of the heavens is like a dragnet sent into the sea, and gathering together from every kind of fishes [into it]." By the dragnet we can understand the word of God, which was sent through the apostles, when it was commanded to them in the Gospel of Mark: "Go into the whole world and preach the gospel to every creature." Now it was sent by them into the sea, that is, into this world, whence notably it was said to them: go into the whole world, which indeed here by the sea is mystically and quite properly designated. For just as the sea never rests, but is always moved by the motion of ebb and flow, and those sailing upon it it drives and disturbs hither and thither with its waves and tempests: so that world is continually moved by innumerable motions, and in it those billowing about themselves he always disquiets and assails with his snares and prepared dangers. Seized by which dangers in this sea, the shipwrecked prophet cries out to the Lord.

"Salvum me fac deus, quoniam intraverunt aque usque ad animam meam." Et iterum: "Non me demergat tempestas aque seu maris," id est pericula huis mundi. Nam indubitanter per tempestatem pericula et per mare mundum propheta hic voluit designare; per pisces vero homines in hoc loco significantur. Unde in evangelio Mathei: "Venite post me, faciam vos piscatores." Et alibi in evangelio Luce dixit dominus Petro: "Noli timere, ex hoc enim eris homines capiens." Dicitur vero superius: ex omni genere piscium, id est hominum congreganti, quia omnes homines cuiuscunque generis, status, condicionis, sive bonos sive malos, hec sagena, scilicet verbum dei, congregat et comprehendit.

"Make me safe, O God, for the waters have entered even unto my soul." And again: "Let not the tempest of the water or of the sea drown me," that is, the dangers of this world. For without doubt by the tempest the prophet wished here to designate dangers, and by the sea the world; but by the fish, in this place, humans are signified. Whence in the Gospel of Matthew: "Come after me, I will make you fishers." And elsewhere in the Gospel of Luke the Lord said to Peter: "Do not fear, for from now on you will be catching men." Moreover, it is said above: of every kind of fish, that is, of humans, gathering, because all humans of whatever genus, status, condition, whether good or bad, this seine, namely the word of God, congregates and apprehends.

Quia non tantum ad Judeos, sed etiam ad gentes, et pariter ad omnes transmissum est, sicut in actibus apostolorum legitur. Est autem transmissum per apostolos, de quibus in psalmo: In omnem terram exivit sonus eorum" etc: Et per spiritum sanctum, qui, ut sapiens ait, replevit orbem terrarum, eciam per salvatorem nostrum, qui huiusmodi verba personaliter et salubriter in mundo seminavit et sparsit. Et ideo in evangelio Johannes dicit: "Si ad eos non venissem et eis locutus non fuissem, peccatum non haberent, nunc autem excusacionem non habent de peccato suo". Hoc autem verbum oportet impleri, et ideo superius dicitur: quae cum impleta esset.

Because it was transmitted not only to the Jews, but also to the nations (Gentiles), and equally to all, as is read in the Acts of the Apostles. Moreover, it was transmitted through the apostles, of whom in the Psalm: "Into all the earth their sound has gone out," etc.; and through the Holy Spirit, who, as the Wise Man says, has filled the orb of lands; and also through our Savior, who personally and salutarily sowed and scattered words of this kind in the world. And therefore in the Gospel John says: "If I had not come to them and had not spoken to them, they would not have sin; but now they have no excuse concerning their sin." But this word must be fulfilled, and therefore above it is said: "which, when it had been filled."

Implebitur autem hec sagena sive verbum, cum omnia, que hoc eodem verbo per os domini et sanctorum suorum pronunciata sunt, totaliter et effectualiter implebuntur. Nam in evangelio Mathei legitur: "Nec unum iota de hiis peribit, nec cessabit generacio, donec hec omnia fiant, quia celum et terra transibunt," etc. Sicut in evangelio Luce dicitur.

But this dragnet or word will be fulfilled, when all the things which by this same word through the mouth of the Lord and of his saints have been pronounced shall be fulfilled totally and effectually. For in the Gospel of Matthew it is read: "Not one iota of these will perish, nor will the generation cease, until all these things come to pass, because heaven and earth will pass away," etc. As it is said in the Gospel of Luke.

Postquam autem sagena illa sive verbum dei fuerit adimpletum, tunc statim adimplebitur similiter et numerus sanctorum in verbo dei et malorum propter verbum dei, prout in apocalypsi Johannes vidit, et in figura dixit: "Vidi subtus altare dei animas interfectorum propter verbum dei, quod habebant, et clamabant voce magna dicentes: usque quo domine sanctus et verus non vindicas sanguinem nostrum de hiis, qui habitant in terra? Et date sunt illis singule stole albe, et dictum est illis, ut requiescerent tempus adhuc modicum, donec impleatur numerus fratrum eorum, qui interficiendi sunt, sicut et illi." Post implecionem sagene seu verbi et numeri predictorum instabit dies novissima et ultimi iudicii, prout evangelista innuit in verbis preassumptis, dum dicitur: "Sic erit in consummacione seculi" etc. Et tunc in illo iudicio educetur illa sagena impleta, unde dicit: "Educentes". Et ipsi iidem erunt educentes, qui fuerunt immittentes eam, videlicet apostoli.

But after that dragnet, or the word of God, shall have been fulfilled, then straightway the number likewise will be fulfilled both of the saints in the word of God and of the evil on account of the word of God, just as in the Apocalypse John saw and spoke in figure: "I saw beneath the altar of God the souls of those slain on account of the word of God which they had, and they were crying out with a great voice, saying: How long, O Master, holy and true, do you not avenge our blood on those who dwell upon the earth? And to each of them were given white stoles, and it was said to them that they should rest yet a little while, until the number be fulfilled of their brethren who are to be slain, as they also were." After the completion of the dragnet, or of the word, and of the aforesaid number, the last day and the final judgment will be at hand, as the Evangelist hints in the words previously assumed, when it is said: "So shall it be in the consummation of the age," etc. And then in that judgment that filled dragnet will be led out, whence it says: "Leading forth." And the very same will be the ones leading it forth who were the ones casting it in, namely the apostles.

Et ipsi educentes sagenam seu verbum, quod in nos seminaverunt una cum agro et seminum fructu, et plenam educent seu impletam, videlicet bonis et malis, id est illis, in quibus verbum dei bene fructificavit, et illis, in quibus male, sicut in evangelio Luce legitur: "Que seminat, ea et metet," et in psalmo: "Qui seminat in lacrimis, in exultacione" etc. Et quia ipsi seminaverunt in nobis, eciam de nobis metent et educent. Educent autem nos per IIII funes herentes in sagena predicta adinstar sagene materialis, que similiter per IIII funes ducitur.

And they themselves, drawing out the seine or the Word which they sowed in us together with the field and the fruit of the seeds, will draw it out full or fulfilled, namely with the good and the bad—that is, those in whom the word of God has borne fruit well, and those in whom it has borne fruit badly—as is read in the Gospel of Luke: “What one sows, that also shall one reap,” and in the Psalm: “He who sows in tears, in exultation,” etc. And because they sowed in us, they will also reap from us and draw us out. Moreover, they will draw us by 4 ropes clinging to the aforesaid seine, after the likeness of a material seine, which likewise is drawn by 4 ropes.

Sunt enim in qualibet sagena IIII funes, duo super aquam se tendentes, et duo inferius sub aqua natantes, et hii duo inferiores correspondent duobus superioribus, ita quod ille, qui est in dextra inferiori, correspondet illi, qui est in dextra superiori, et in sinistra inferiori illi, qui est in sinistra superiori. Sic eciam est in ista sagena spirituali, in qua sunt similiter quatuor funes, per quos omnes trahuntur, duo scilicet supernatantes, et illi sunt ex parte dei, videlicet gracia et fortitudo; et duo inferius natantes, qui sunt ex parte nostri, videlicet caritas et odium. Primo funi superiori, scilicet gracie dei correspondent primus inferior, scilicet caritas, et hiis duobus bonis trahuntur boni.

For in every seine there are 4 ropes, two stretching above the water, and two lower, swimming beneath the water; and these two lower correspond to the two upper, such that the one which is on the lower right corresponds to that which is on the upper right, and on the lower left to that which is on the upper left. So also it is in this spiritual seine, in which likewise there are four ropes, by which all are drawn: two, namely supernatant, and these are on the part of God, that is, grace and fortitude; and two swimming below, which are on our part, namely charity and hatred. To the first upper rope, namely the grace of God, there corresponds the first lower, namely charity, and by these two goods the good are drawn.

De primo dominus in evangelio Johannis: "Nemo potest venire ad me, nisi pater meus traxerit eum per graciam." De secundo similiter dicitur in evangelio Johannis: "Si quis diligit me et pater meus diliget eum", et ad eum veniemus, scilicet tracti in caritate et dileccione, et mansionem apud eum faciemus. Et de hiis duobus potest intelligi, quod dicit psalmista: "Funes ceciderunt michi in preclaris."

About the first the Lord in the Gospel of John: "No one can come to me, unless my Father draws him by grace." About the second likewise it is said in the Gospel of John: "If anyone loves me, my Father also will love him," and we will come to him, namely drawn in charity and dilection, and we will make a mansion with him. And about these two it can be understood, what the Psalmist says: "The cords have fallen to me in splendid places."

Item secundo funi superiori, videlicet fortitudini, correspondet secundus inferior, scilicet odium, et hiis trahuntur omnes mali. Nam omnis, qui male agit, odit lucem, sicut dicitur in evangelio Johannis: et quoad illos magis necessaria est fortitudo dei quam ad primos. Nam primi voluntarie veniunt ad iudicium, sperantes premium.

Likewise, to the second upper rope, namely fortitude, there corresponds the second lower, namely odium, and by these all the wicked are drawn. For everyone who does evil hates the light, as is said in the Gospel of John: and as regards those, the fortitude of God is more necessary than for the first. For the first come voluntarily to judgment, hoping for a reward.

Isti autem fugient iudicium, timentes supplicium eternum, et abscondent se in speluncis et petris montibus et dicent moncius et petris: "cadite super nos, et abscondite nos a facie sedentis super thronum et ab ira agni," quando veniet dies magnus ire ipsorum, et quis poterit stare, sicut legitur in apocalypsi. Quare quoad eos necessaria est fortitudo, ut per illam trahantur inviti. De prima, scilicet fortifudine potest intelligi, quod dicit apostolus: Omnes rapiemur, scilicet fortitudine dei "obviam Christo in aera". Et quod salvator in evangelio dicit: "Cum exaltatus fuero a terra, omnia traham ad me ipsum," scilicet fortitudine.

But these will flee the judgment, fearing eternal punishment, and will hide themselves in caves and in the rocks of the mountains, and will say to the mountains and to the rocks: "Fall upon us, and hide us from the face of the One sitting upon the throne and from the wrath of the Lamb," when the great day of their wrath shall come, and who will be able to stand, as is read in the Apocalypse. Wherefore, as regards them, fortitude is necessary, that through it they may be drawn unwilling. Concerning the first, namely fortitude, it can be understood what the Apostle says: "We shall all be rapt," namely by the fortitude of God, "to meet Christ in the air." And what the Savior says in the Gospel: "When I shall have been exalted from the earth, I will draw all things to myself," namely by fortitude.

De secundo vero legitur in libro regum: "Extendet super Jerusalem funiculum Samarie et pondus domus Achab." De ambabus dicit psalmista: "Funes peccatorum circumplexi sunt me." Et sic omnes educentur per apostolos in illa sagena. Nam ut ait apostolus: "Omnes stabimus ante tribunal dei, recepturi prout in corpore gessimus."

But about the second it is read in the Book of Kings: "I will stretch over Jerusalem the measuring-cord of Samaria and the plummet of the house of Ahab." Of both the psalmist says: "The cords of sinners have encompassed me." And thus all will be drawn out by the apostles in that dragnet. For as the apostle says: "We shall all stand before the tribunal of God, to receive according as we have done in the body."

Educent autem nos ad litus, id est tribunal omnipotentis dei, quod proprie litori comparatur. Nam sicut litus est terminus navigancium, sic idem tribunal est terminus et finis omnium in hoc seculo fluctuancium. Postquam autem educent nos, tunc erunt sedentes secus litus, id est tribunal, ut supra dictum est, sicut ait salvator in evangelio: "Cum sederit filius hominis in sede maiestatis sue, sedebitis et vos super sedes duodecim, iudicantes duodecim tribus Israhel." Et eligent ad iudicantes domino nostro bonos in vasa, id est ascribent eos in eterna tabernacula, ubi pax est et gaudium, suo recto iudicio.

Moreover they will lead us out to the shore, that is, to the tribunal of the omnipotent God, which is properly compared to a shore. For just as the shore is the terminus of those sailing, so that same tribunal is the terminus and end of all who are fluctuating in this age. And after they lead us out, then they will be sitting beside the shore, that is, the tribunal, as was said above, as the Savior says in the Gospel: "When the Son of Man shall sit upon the seat of his majesty, you also shall sit upon twelve seats, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." And they will choose, for judging with our Lord, the good into vessels, that is, they will ascribe them into the eternal tabernacles, where there is peace and joy, by his right judgment.

Malos autem foras mittent, id est ad gehennam perpetuam condempnabunt, ubi est fletus et stridor dencium; quod fiet in verbo dei, dum dicet bonis: "Venite benedicti patris mei, percipite regnum" etc. Ad malos autem: "Ite maledicti in ignem eternum," sicut legitur in evangelio Mathei. Quo iudicio finito statim angeli tanquam ministri et executores dictarum sentenciarum et iudicii separabunt malos de medio iustorum et mittent eos in caminum ignis, ut sequitur in verbo evangelii premissi.

But the wicked they will cast outside, that is, they will condemn to perpetual Gehenna, where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth; which will be done by the word of God, when he says to the good: "Come, blessed of my Father, receive the kingdom," etc. But to the wicked: "Go, accursed, into the eternal fire," as is read in the Gospel of Matthew. When this judgment is finished, at once the angels, as ministers and executors of the aforesaid sentences and of the judgment, will separate the wicked from the midst of the just and will send them into the furnace of fire, as follows in the word of the aforesaid Gospel.

Nam ipsi sunt ministri verbi dei, ut de eis psalmista dicit: "Benedicite domino omnes angeli eius, potentes virtutes facientes verbum illius ad audiendam vocem sermonum eius. Benedicite domino omnes virtutes eius ministri, qui facitis voluntatem eius."

For they themselves are ministers of the word of God, as the psalmist says of them: "Bless the Lord, all his angels, mighty in strength, doing his word, to hear the voice of his sayings. Bless the Lord, all his hosts, his ministers, who do his will."

Sequitur autem in verbis premissis: "Intellexistis hec omnia?" Dicunt ei: "Eciam." Interrogatoria sunt hec verba. Unde cum dominus proposuisset discipulis suis predictas tres parabolas, interrogabat eos verbis hiis: Intellexistis hec omnia? Interrogabit autem eos, non quia de eorum sciencia dubitaret, quia omnia novit, antequam fiant, sed ut interrogando intellectum eorum ad sui cognicionem alcius elevaret, quod nobis in persona Petri liquide in evangelio Mathei demonstratur, cui interrogato, "quem homines dicunt filium [hominis]," respondenti: "Tu es Christus, filius dei vivi," statim a domino dictum est: "Caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed pater meus, qui est in celis." Ecce quomodo ad interrogacionem discipulorum intellectus fuerat continue elevatus, unde protinus responderunt: "Eciam domine." Dominus igitur elevacionem intellectus eorum conspiciens, ac ipsos ad capienda verba sue sancte doctrine ferventes considerans, ipsosque adhuc amplius allicere et invitare cupiens, premia celestia eis pro mercede pollicetur, dicens: "Ideo omnis scriba doctus in regno coelorum similis est patri familias, qui profert de thesauro suo nova et vetera." Et bene dicit scriba doctus, qui videlicet verbo doctrine et exemplo bone vite eos erudiendo instruit et informat.

It follows, moreover, in the aforesaid words: “Have you understood all these things?” They say to him: “Yes.” These words are interrogatory. Hence, when the Lord had proposed to his disciples the aforesaid three parables, he was questioning them with these words: Have you understood all these things? He questioned them not because he doubted their science, since he knows all things before they come to be, but so that by questioning he might elevate their understanding more highly to the cognition of himself—which is clearly shown to us, in the person of Peter, in the Gospel of Matthew: to whom, when asked, “Whom do men say the Son of [Man] is,” and answering, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God,” immediately it was said by the Lord: “Flesh and blood has not revealed this to you, but my Father who is in the heavens.” Behold how, at the interrogation, the disciples’ understanding was straightway being elevated; whereupon they forthwith answered: “Yes, Lord.” Therefore the Lord, beholding the elevation of their understanding and considering them fervent to take in the words of his holy doctrine, and wishing to allure and invite them yet more, promises heavenly rewards to them for their wage, saying: “Therefore every learned scribe in the kingdom of the heavens is like a paterfamilias who brings out of his treasure new things and old.” And he rightly says “learned scribe,” namely one who, by the word of doctrine and by the example of good life, by eruditing, instructs and informs them.

Nam qui docent et non faciunt, vocantur quidem scribe, sed non docti, ut [dicit] in evangelio Mathei: "Super cathedram Moysi[s] sederunt scribe et farisei, sed doctrinam eorum facite, secundum opera eorum nolite facere." Ecce, quod vocantur scribe, sed non docti. Ideo non omnis scriba, sed dumtaxat scriba doctus similis est homini patri familias, qui de thesauro suo profert nova et vetera. Thesaurus enim est divicie successive recondite.

For those who teach and do not do are indeed called scribes, but not learned, as [he says] in the Gospel of Matthew: "The scribes and Pharisees have sat upon the chair of Moses, but do their doctrine; do not do according to their works." Behold, that they are called scribes, but not learned. Therefore not every scribe, but only a learned scribe is like a man, a paterfamilias, who brings forth from his treasury things new and old. For a treasure is riches successively stored away.

Sicut igitur pater familias tempore opportunitatis et necessitatis pro terrena gloria de thesauro suo profert nova, que noviter recondidit, et vetusta, que dudum reservavit: sic scriba doctus de thesauro suo, quem spiritu sancto inspirante in corde suo recondidit, pro gloria in celesti patria adeptura ad erudicionem et iustificacionem aliorum sua sancta predicacione et erudicione novi et veteris testamenti misteria salubriter profert et exponit. Recte enim tales sunt scribe docti, de quibus legitur in Daniele: "Qui autem docti fuerint, fulgebunt" etc. et qui ad iusticiam erudiuut multos, quasi stelle in perpetuas eternitates.

Just as therefore the father of a household, at a time of opportunity and necessity, for earthly glory brings forth from his treasure new things, which he has newly stored away, and old things, which he long ago reserved: so the scribe taught, from his treasure which, the Holy Spirit inspiring, he has stored up in his heart, for the glory to be obtained in the celestial fatherland, for the erudition and justification of others, by his holy preaching and erudition, healthfully brings forth and expounds the mysteries of the New and Old Testament. For rightly such are taught scribes, of whom it is read in Daniel: "But they who shall have been learned shall shine," etc., and those who instruct many unto justice, like stars into perpetual eternities.

Capitulum XIV.

Chapter 14.

Estate eadem veniens prope Mutam fregi castrum Choczyn et alia quam plura castra domini de Potnsteyn, quia habui eodem tempore guerram cum eodem domino; et postea fuit concordatum. Eodem tempore inventa fuit argentifodina in Vresnik. Eadem estate arripui iter cum multis baronibus Boemie volens transire in comitatum Luczemburgensem ad patrem meum, qui miserat pro me; et de Francfurt reversus sum.

Coming in that same summer, near Muta I broke the castle of Choczyn and very many other castles of the lord of Potnsteyn, because at that time I had a war with that same lord; and afterward a concord was concluded. At the same time a silver-mine was found in Vresnik. In that same summer I took up a journey with many barons of Bohemia, wishing to cross into the County of Luxembourg to my father, who had sent for me; and I returned from Frankfurt.

In eadem reversione creavi collegium ad Omnes Sanctos in capella regia in castro Pragensi et processi ad regem Ungarie, qui graviter infirmabatur. Et antequam in Boemiam reverterer, me in Ungaria existente, venit pater meus ad Ludovicum, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, ad tractandum pro concordia. Dictus tamen Ludovicus promiserat michi nullos tractatus cum patre meo alicuius concordie se sine me habiturum, sed de consilio meo dicebat se cum patre meo graciose ordinaturum.

In the same return I founded a college of All Saints in the royal chapel in Prague Castle, and I proceeded to the king of Hungary, who was gravely infirm. And before I returned into Bohemia, while I was in Hungary, my father came to Louis, who was conducting himself as emperor, to negotiate for concord. Yet the said Louis had promised me that he would have no negotiations with my father for any concord without me, but by my counsel he said he would graciously arrange matters with my father.

Ipse vero Ludovicus immemor fidei ac promissionum suarum, fraudulenter decipiens patrem meum, ad composicionem eum deduxit, asserens se dudum mecum concordasse. Et sic posuit magnam diffidenciam inter me et patrem meum, fecitque, quod ex racione concordie, quam idem Ludovicus confinxerat inter me et ipsum factam fuisse, pater meus recepit ab ipso feoda sua tamquam ab imperatore. Concordavit eciam cum eo et in pluribus voluntati condescendit ipsius, que minime fecisset, si scivisset, quod ego nondum concordatus cum eo fuissem.

Louis himself, unmindful of his faith and of his promises, fraudulently deceiving my father, led him to a composition, asserting that he had long since come to concord with me. And thus he set great distrust between me and my father, and brought it about that, by reason of the concord which that same Louis had fabricated as having been made between me and him, my father received his fiefs from him as from the emperor. He also made concord with him and in many things acceded to his will, which he would by no means have done, if he had known that I had not yet reached concord with him.

Hoc vero ego resciens ad patrem meum in Mylteberk Maguntine diocesis acceleravi, significans eidem totum esse falsum et fraudulentum, quod idem Ludovicus Bavaricus secum tractavisset. Sicque ea, que inter ipsos facta fuerant, cum baronibus Boemie nec sigillare nec ratam habere volui eandem concordiam, et ea que ibidem acta fuerant, omnia pro non factis habui et nulla dixi. Abinde veni Bozoniam, que est in metis Ungarie et Austrie, et concordavi regem Ungarie cum duce Austrie.

But I, being aware of this, hastened to my father at Mylteberk, of the Mainz diocese, making known to him that the whole was false and fraudulent which that same Louis the Bavarian had negotiated with him. And thus, as to the things which had been done between them, together with the barons of Bohemia I was unwilling either to seal or to hold as ratified that same concord, and the things which had been transacted there I held all as not done and declared them null. Thence I came to Bozonia, which is on the borders of Hungary and Austria, and I reconciled the king of Hungary with the duke of Austria.

Deinde pater meus processit versus Moraviam volens destruere Nicolaum, ducem Opavie et Ratiuarie, quem patri meo vix reconciliavi. Dedit tamen patri meo castra et pecuniam multam. Abinde processi in obsidionem castri Potnsteyn, quod contra me et regem Boemie rebellaverat et spolia multa de eo committebantur.

Then my father advanced toward Moravia, wishing to destroy Nicholas, duke of Opava and Ratibor, whom I had scarcely reconciled to my father. Nevertheless he gave my father fortresses and much money. From there I proceeded to the siege of the castle Potnsteyn, which had rebelled against me and the king of Bohemia, and much plunder was being carried out from it.

Et licet esset inacquisibile, infra novem tamen septimanas ipsum acquisivi turrimque cum barone, cuius castrum erat, in terram deieci, muros quoque cum toto castro solotenus prostravi. Deinde ivi cum patre meo Wratislaviam. Episcopus vero illius loci erat patri meo inobediens, propter quod pater meus commotus abstulit eidem castrum Milecz.

And although it was inacquirable, yet within nine weeks I acquired it, and I cast down to the earth the tower together with the baron whose castle it was; the walls also, together with the whole castle, I laid prostrate down to the very soil. Then I went with my father to Wrocław. But the bishop of that place was disobedient to my father, on account of which my father, provoked, took from him the castle Milecz.

Ipse vero ea de causa excommunicavit patrem meum; pater autem meus expulit eum una cum clero de civitate. Et hec dissensio duravit bene per duos annos inter patrem meum et clerum predictum. Abinde processit pater meus in Budissyn, proinde in Franciam in auxilium regi Francie, quia tunc incipiebat guerra inter reges Francie et Anglie, et dimisit me loco sui in regno.

But he indeed for that cause excommunicated my father; my father, however, expelled him together with the clergy from the city. And this dissension lasted well for two years between my father and the aforesaid clergy. Thereupon my father proceeded to Budissyn, then into France to the aid of the king of France, because at that time war was beginning between the kings of France and England, and he left me in his place in the kingdom.

Ego autem substitui loco mei Petrum de Rosinberk et secutus fui eum per Bavariam, ubi inveni sororium meum Heinricum, ducem Bavarie, mortuum, qui unicum filium cum sorore mea Margaretha reliquerat in heredem, puerum decem annorum. Cuius tutelam pariter et patrie occupavit Ludovicus, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, racione matrimonii et tractatus, quem idem Ludovicus fecerat cum patre predicti pueri. Quia repulerat filiam Rudolphi, ducis Bavarie, comitis Palatini, filii fratris sui, que predicto puero erat promissa et iurata, deditque eidem filiam suam, que nondum loqui poterat, dicens, quod vellet pro ea promittere, donec eadem pro se loqueretur; que deo permittente muta facta est.

But I, however, substituted in my place Peter of Rosenberg and followed him through Bavaria, where I found my brother-in-law Henry, duke of Bavaria, dead, who had left as heir an only son by my sister Margaret, a boy of ten years. The guardianship of him and likewise of the country Louis seized, who was comporting himself as emperor, by reason of a marriage and a compact which the same Louis had made with the father of the aforesaid boy. Because he had rejected the daughter of Rudolf, duke of Bavaria, count palatine, the son of his brother, who had been promised and sworn to the aforesaid boy, he gave to him his own daughter, who could not yet speak, saying that he wished to promise on her behalf until she could speak for herself; who, God permitting, became mute.

Et inde transiens Bavariam veni ad patrem meum in comitatum Luczemburgensem.

And thence, passing through Bavaria, I came to my father in the county of Luxembourg.

Et ibi ego optans processi in auxilium regi Francie, cui tunc obsederat rex Anglie civitatem Rannatensem, antequam ipse gentem suam congregaret. Et abinde processit ante oppidum sancti Kwintini, deinde ante oppidum Rubemontis et abinde usque prope civitatem Laudinensem. Demum reversus est versus comitatum Hannonie, ubi rex Francie secutus est eum usque ad metas.

And there I, wishing, advanced to the aid of the king of France, for whom the king of England was then besieging the city of Rannet, before he gathered his people. And from there he advanced before the town of Saint-Quentin, then before the town of Rougemont, and from there up to near the city of Laon. At length he turned back toward the county of Hainaut, where the king of France followed him up to the metes.

Metatus est uterque castra in metis Hannonie. Rex vero Anglie secessit et recessit, dimittens regi Francie campum, cum eum per integram diem expectasset et acies essent parate, quamvis in exercitu multos principes Almanie secum haberet, videlicet ducem Bravancie, marchionem Juliacensem et de Monte, comitem Flantrensem de inferiori Almania; de superiori vero marchionem Misnensem, marchionem Brandeburgensem, filium Bavari, et quam plures alios cum potencia Ludovici, qui Ludovicus ipsum regem Anglie per Germaniam vicarium imperii constituerat.

Each of the two pitched camp at the boundary-marks of Hainaut. But the king of England withdrew and retreated, leaving the field to the king of France, although he had awaited him for an entire day and the battle-lines were prepared, although in his army he had with him many princes of Germany, namely the duke of Brabant, the margrave of Jülich and of Mont, the count of Flanders from Lower Germany; and from Upper, indeed, the margrave of Meissen, the margrave of Brandenburg, the son of the Bavarian, and very many others with the puissance of Louis, which Louis had appointed the king of England as imperial vicar throughout Germany.

Illis diebus, cum pater meus unum oculum perdidisset, in altero incipiens infirmari transivit in Montem Pessolanum secreto ad medicos, si posset curari; qui tamen eo tempore excecatus est. Ego vero procedebam ad regem Hispanie in auxilium eidem contra regem Granate Feragacium, ac gentes et apparatus meos iam premiseram in Montem Albanum. Sed pater meus retinuit me in Monte Pessolani secrete, non permittens me transire ulterius.

In those days, when my father had lost one eye and was beginning to grow infirm in the other, he withdrew to Mont Pessolanus secretly to the physicians, to see if he could be cured; who nevertheless at that time was blinded. But I was proceeding to the king of Spain in aid to him against the king of Granada, Feragacius, and I had already sent ahead my peoples and my apparatus into Mont Alban. But my father detained me at Mont Pessolanus in secret, not allowing me to pass further.

Et cum curari non valuisset pater meus, processi una cum ipso versus Avinionem ad papam Benedictum duodecimum, ad concordandum cum eo de denario sancti Petri, qui datur in diocesi Wratislaviensi. Nec tunc fuit concordatum, sed remansit in discordia; tamen in posterum fuit concordata discordacio, que erat inter ecclesiam Romanam et dictam diocesin pro denario iam dicto. Et ibi nobis existentibus confessi fuimus eidem pape de visione nobis facta de Delphino Vyenensi, cum fueramus in Ytalia, que superius memoratur.

And since my father had not been able to be cured, I proceeded together with him toward Avignon to Pope Benedict 12, to concord with him about the denarius of Saint Peter, which is given in the Diocese of Wrocław. Nor was it then concorded, but it remained in discord; yet thereafter the discordance, which was between the Roman Church and the said diocese concerning the already-said denarius, was concorded. And while we were there, we confessed to the same pope about the vision made to us concerning the Dauphin of Viennois, when we had been in Italy, which is mentioned above.

Tamen pro tempore illo visum fuit, quod melius esset tacere propter aliquas raciones quam patri meo dicere seu revelare. Et cum ibidem essemus aput papam, Petrus, quondam abbas Fiscanensis, Lemovicensis diocesis oriundus, promotus in episcopum Altissiodorensem, demum in archiepiscopum Senonensem, post hec translatus in archiepiscopatum Rothomagiensem, tempore illo episcopus presbyter cardinalis tituli sanctorum martyrum Nerei et Achillei, de quo ante mencio facta est, qui fuit de consilio regis Philippi et coram eo celebraverat [missam] in die cinerum, prout ante dictum est. [Is] receperat me in domum suam, me marchionem Moravie existentem pro eo tempore, quo steti aput papam Benedictum, dixitque una hora mecum existens in domo sua: Tu adhuc eris rex Romanorum.

Nevertheless for that time it seemed that it was better to be silent on account of certain reasons than to tell or reveal to my father. And when we were there with the pope, Peter, formerly abbot of Fécamp, originating from the diocese of Limoges, promoted to bishop of Auxerre, finally to archbishop of Sens, after these things transferred to the archiepiscopate of Rouen, at that time a bishop, a presbyter cardinal of the title of the holy martyrs Nereus and Achilleus, of whom mention has been made before, who was of the council of King Philip and had celebrated [mass] before him on the Day of Ashes, as was said before. [He] had received me into his house, I being margrave of Moravia for the time in which I stayed with Pope Benedict, and he said, being with me for an hour in his house: You will yet be King of the Romans.

Cui respondi: Tu eris ante papa. Quod utrumque secutum est, prout infra describetur.

To whom I responded: You will be pope first. Which both followed, as will be described below.

Post hec una cum patre meo reversus sum in Franciam. Et abinde misit me pater meus ad sororem meam, olim relictam Heinrici, ducis Bavarie, que opprimebatur per Ludovicum, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, pro auxilio et consilio eidem faciendis. Et cum pervenissem ad eam, inveni eam cum eo concordatam.

After this I returned into France together with my father. And from there my father sent me to my sister, formerly the widow of Henry, duke of Bavaria, who was being oppressed by Louis, who was acting as emperor, to furnish her with aid and counsel. And when I had come to her, I found her reconciled with him.

Abinde arripui iter per archiepiscopatum Salczpurgensem per Alpes, que dicuntur Aurentur. Et cum tota die transirem per vallem, que dicitur Gerlos, recordatus sum de miraculo seu visione, quod in die beate virginis, in assumpcione sancte Marie, in Tharunso Parmensis diocesis michi contigerat. Et ab eodem tempore concepi ad eius honorem gloriose virginis horas cottidie decantandas in Pragensi ecclesia ordinare, ita ut de ipsius vite, gestis et miraculis cottidie nova legenda legeretur.

From there I took up the journey through the archbishopric of Salzburg across the Alps, which are called Aurentur. And as I was passing the whole day through the valley which is called Gerlos, I remembered the miracle or vision that had befallen me on the day of the blessed virgin, at the Assumption of Saint Mary, in Tharunso of the Diocese of Parma. And from that same time I conceived to ordain in the Prague church that the Hours be chanted daily in honor of her, the glorious virgin, such that concerning her life, deeds, and miracles a new legend should be read each day.

Quod postea factum est, prout inferius describetur. Ibique perveni ad fratrem meum in vallem Insuburcham. Qui dimisso episcopo Tridentino pro capitaneo in comitatu Tyrolis processit mecum in Boemiam, deinde ad regem Cracovie, deinde ad Karolum, regem Ungarie, cum quo et filio suo Ludovico, genero meo, se colligavit federibus et ligis firmissimis.

Which was afterwards done, as will be described below. And there I came to my brother in the Insuburcha valley. He, having appointed the bishop of Trent as captain in the county of Tyrol, advanced with me into Bohemia, then to the king of Cracow, then to Charles, king of Hungary, with whom, and with his son Louis, my son-in-law, he bound himself by the firmest federative compacts and leagues.

Ibi eo existente venerunt nuncii, dicentes, quod uxor sua una cum baronibus comitatus sui contra eum conspiraverunt, propter quod eum per Bavariam et Boemiam opportebat festinanter reverti ad comitatum Tyrolis. Ego vero brevi tempore decurso secutus sum eum in comitatum eundem in vallem Eni. Et ibi secreto cognovi, quod quidam nomine Albertus, filius naturalis [patris] uxoris fratris mei, et quidam baro, magister curie predicte uxoris fratris mei, tractaverunt de consensu ipsius et aliorum baronum patrie, ut repudiaret fratrem meum et duceret Ludovicum, filium Bavari, qui se gerebat pro imperatore, et quod omnes barones vellent illi obedire tamquam domino, ipsaque sibi esset in uxorem.

There, while he was present, messengers came, saying that his wife together with the barons of his county had conspired against him; wherefore it behooved him, through Bavaria and Bohemia, to return in haste to the County of Tyrol. I, for my part, with a short time elapsed, followed him into that same county, into the valley of the Inn. And there I learned in secret that a certain man named Albert, the natural son of the [father] of my brother’s wife, and a certain baron, master of the court of the aforesaid wife of my brother, had negotiated, with her consent and that of the other barons of the country, that she should repudiate my brother and take Louis, the son of the Bavarian, who was comporting himself as emperor; and that all the barons wished to obey him as lord, and she herself would be his wife.

Hec volens rescire certitudinaliter, posui secrete insidias eidem Alberto cum Buscone iuniori et captivavi eum duxique eum per silvam usque ad castrum, quod dicitur Sonpurg prope Inspurgam. Ibi positus ad tormenta, recognovit hec omnia sic se habere, sicut relata michi fuerant. Tunc nitebar captivare magistrum curie, qui tamen pro tempore illo manus meas evasit, castro tamen suo usque ad terram deiecto per me. Ipse quoque postea per amicos suos in manus meas fuit traditus, sic scilicet ut comite sibi vita in aliis pro voluntate mea in manibus meis remaneret.

Wishing to ascertain these things with certitude, I laid secret ambushes for that same Albert together with Busco the younger, and I captured him and led him through the forest as far as the castle which is called Sonpurg near Innsbruck. There, put to the torments, he recognized all these things to be so, just as they had been related to me. Then I strove to capture the master of the court, who, however, for that time escaped my hands, yet his castle was cast down to the ground by me. He himself also afterwards was handed over into my hands by his friends, namely on this condition: that, life as his companion, in other matters he should remain in my hands according to my will.

Hec omnia fratri meo significavi, qui michi grates agens acquievit meo consilio, et posuimus custodiam castro Tyrolis et uxori sue.

I signified all these things to my brother, who, giving thanks to me, acquiesced in my counsel, and we set the castle of Tyrol and his wife under guard.

Deinde processi ad sororem meam in Bavariam, que indigebat mei. Et abinde reversus sum per Salczburgensem archiepiscopatum iterato gressu et perveni in episcopatum Brixiensem ad castrum Taubers. Deinde ivi per vallem Cadubrii ad civitatem Bellunii et nocturno tempore intravi in suburbium castri fortissimi Iumellarum in vigilia beati Wenceslai martyris, et sic obsidione facta ipsum obtinui.

Then I proceeded to my sister in Bavaria, who was in need of me. And from there I returned through the Salzburg archiepiscopate, retracing my step, and I arrived in the Brixen episcopate at the castle Taubers. Then I went through the valley of Cadubrium to the city of Belluno, and by night I entered into the suburb of the very strong castle of Iumellae on the vigil of blessed Wenceslas the martyr, and thus, a siege having been laid, I secured it.

Quod castrum possidebat comes Czenensis, dominus de Camino, et civitas Venetorum, qui tunc erant mei inimici, quod tamen post concordiam in mea potestate remansit. Abinde ivi in civitatem Tridentinam, et veniens in comitatum Tyrolis fui ibi usque ad vigiliam beate Katherine, et in vigilia beate Katherine obsedi castrum Penode super [lacum] Cardi, quod obsederat gens Luchini Mediolanensis et dominus de Arco. Quos congregato exercitu secrete cum episcopo Tridentino abinde fugavi, et in die beate Katherine castrum in meas manus fuit resignatum, ipsumque contuli ecclesie Tridentine.

Which castle was held by the count of Ceneda, lord of Camino, and by the city of the Venetians, who were then my enemies, which nevertheless after the concord remained in my power. Thence I went to the city of Trento, and coming into the county of Tyrol I was there until the vigil of blessed Katherine, and on the vigil of blessed Katherine I besieged the castle of Penede above [Lake] Garda, which the clan of Luchino of Milan and the lord of Arco had besieged. Whom, an army having been gathered, secretly with the bishop of Trento I put to flight from there, and on the day of blessed Katherine the castle was surrendered into my hands, and I conferred it upon the Tridentine church.

Deinde datum michi castrum fuit Belvesini diocesis Vincentinensis, quam civitatem cum toto comitatu tenebat Mastinus de la Scala. Ad quem opportebat me secrete accedere nocturno tempore cum magno populo et ipsum munire gentibus. Et abinde reversus sum in Tridentum, et de Tridento ivi in civitatem Bellunensem.

Then the castle of Belvesini of the Diocese of Vicenza was given to me, which city, with the whole county, was held by Mastino della Scala. To whom it behooved me to approach secretly in the night-time with a great people and to reinforce him with troops. And from there I returned to Trento, and from Trento I went to the city of Belluno.

Ubi me existente patriarcha Aquilegiensis oppressus a duce Austrie et comite Veronensi, qui in campis iacebant prope Veronium in Foro Julii, quibus patriarcha cum gente sua resistere non valebat, misit michi epistolam in hec verba: "Vobis illustri principi Karolo de progenie regis Boemie, marchioni Moravie, nec non milicie vestre notifico, quod domus domine dominarum et virginis virginum Aquilegiensis per hostes graviter oppugnatur; cui tamen servitores dominarum vel, puellarum pocius adiuvare debent. Et ideo rogo vos et vestros principes universaliter, quatenus amore domine dominarum non permittatis ita ipsius domum et bona violari.

While I was there, the Patriarch of Aquileia, oppressed by the duke of Austria and the count of Verona, who were lying encamped in the fields near Veronium in Friuli, and whom the patriarch with his own people was not able to resist, sent me a letter in these words: "To you, the illustrious prince Charles, of the progeny of the king of Bohemia, margrave of Moravia, and also to your militia, I make known that the house of the Lady of ladies and Virgin of virgins of Aquileia is grievously besieged by enemies; which, however, the servitors of ladies—or, rather, of maidens—ought to aid. And therefore I beg you and your princes universally, that for love of the Lady of ladies you do not permit her house and goods to be thus violated.

Quibus auditis una cum militibus nostris bene ducentis galeatis et mille peditibus transivimus per altissimos montes, ubi transitus non erat consuetus. Dominus quoque transitum nobis paravit per Senevallem, et venimus cum magna difficultate in diocesin Aquilegiensem et altero die ad patriarcham. Qui congregaverat gentem suam et castra metatus est ad nos prope unum flumen contra inimicos suos, qui iacebant ex altera parte rivi inter nos et eos existentis.

When these things were heard, together with our soldiers, a good 200 helmeted and 1000 footsoldiers, we crossed through the very high mountains, where a passage was not customary. The Lord also prepared a passage for us through Senevallem, and with great difficulty we came into the Aquileian diocese and on the next day to the patriarch. He had gathered his people and pitched camp by us near one river, against his enemies, who were lying on the other side of the brook that existed between us and them.

Ipsi autem eadem nocte rescientes adventum nostrum fugierunt, et dispersus est exercitus eorum. Tunc nos secuti sumus eos et obsedimus partem eorum in castro. Ibi iacuimus per multum tempus et impugnavimus sepius dictum castrum.

But they themselves, on the same night, learning of our advent, fled, and their army was dispersed. Then we followed them and besieged a portion of them in the castle. There we lay encamped for a long time and assailed the said castle often.

Ibidem ex nostris multi fuerunt vulnerati.

There, many of our men were wounded.

Capitulum XV.

Chapter 15.

Post aliquantulum temporis Johannes rex et Karolus in Boemiam fuerunt reversi. Et rex Johannes tocius regni administracionem tradidit in manus Karoli, hac tamen condicione interposita, quod ipse Karolus deberet regi Johanni quinque milia de parata pecunia ordinare, et quod ipse rex Johannes non deberet infra duos annos ad manendum in Boemiam venire nec infra dictum terminum aliquam pecuniam a regno postulare. Hanc quidem pecuniam sibi per Karolum celeriter conquisitam accepit et in Franciam secessit.

After a little time King John and Charles returned to Bohemia. And King John handed over the administration of the whole kingdom into the hands of Charles, with this condition interposed: that Charles should arrange for King John five thousand in ready cash, and that King John should not within two years come to Bohemia to stay, nor within the said term ask any money from the realm. This money, indeed, quickly procured for him by Charles, he received, and he withdrew into France.

Post cuius recessum Karolus feliciter et satis industriose regni gessit gubernacula, et queque dissipata et distracta revocando in statum debitum disposuit ac reduxit.

After whose withdrawal, Charles happily and quite industriously bore the governance of the kingdom, and, by recalling whatever had been dissipated and distracted into its due state, he set it in order and brought it back.

Capitulum XVI.

Chapter 16.

Expiratis itaque duorum annorum, sicut supra dictum est, curriculis rex Johannes reversus in Boemiam, disposuit cum Karolo, ut una versus Prussiam transirent contra Litvanos pugnaturi. Celeriter ergo ad viam procuratis necessariis Vratislaviam transierunt, quo eciam rex Ungarie, comes Hollandie et plures alii principes, marchiones, duces et multi viri spectabiles in eodem proposito de diversis mundi partibus convenerunt. Eis itaque in Vratislavia existentibus inter alia solacia, quibus principes solent insistere, ille odiosus et furibundus taxillorum ludus inter eos extitit.

With the courses of two years expired, as was said above, King John returned to Bohemia, and arranged with Charles that together they would pass toward Prussia to fight against the Lithuanians. Therefore, the necessities for the journey having been quickly procured, they crossed to Vratislavia, where also the king of Hungary, the count of Holland, and many other princes, margraves, dukes, and many notable men, with the same purpose, gathered from diverse parts of the world. Accordingly, while they were in Vratislavia, among other solaces to which princes are wont to apply themselves, that odious and frenzied game of dice arose among them.

In quo rex Ungarie et comes Hollandie sic ferventer luserunt invicem, ut ipse comes in rege sexcentos florenos lucraretur. De quo dum dictum regem iracundum et turbulentum videret habere animum, motus vehemencia et arroganti animo prorupit in hec verba: "O domine rex, mirandum est, quod cum princeps tam magnificus sitis, cuius terra auro abundare dicitur, de tam modica pecunie summa sic egrum debetis monstrare animum et in inquietudine ponere mentem vestram. Ecce ut vos et omnes alii videatis aperte, quod pecunias taliter acquisitas non amplector, nec in usus meos transire, sed liberaliter a me transire debeant.

In which the king of Hungary and the count of Holland played against one another so fervently that the count gained six hundred florins off the king. Whereupon, when he saw that the said king bore an irate and turbulent mind because of this, moved by vehemence and with an arrogant spirit he burst forth into these words: "O lord king, it is to be wondered at that, though you are so magnificent a prince, whose land is said to abound in gold, over so small a sum of money you should show so sickly a spirit and set your mind in disquiet. Behold, that you and all others may see openly that moneys thus acquired I do not embrace, nor that they pass into my own uses, but that they ought to pass from me liberally.

Quo dicto omnes pecunias in ludo acquisitas proiecit in medium populi circumstantis. De quo ipse rex maiorem concepit iracundie materiam, quam tamen ut sapiens dissimulans silencio pressit. Post non multos vero dies omnes isti principes et magni viri de Vrastislavia versus Prussiam processerunt.

At this word he cast all the monies acquired in the game into the midst of the people standing around. From this the king himself conceived a greater matter of anger, which, however, dissembling as a wise man, he pressed down with silence. But after not many days all those princes and great men set out from Vrastislavia toward Prussia.

Et ibidem cum per longum tempus glaciem expectantes iacuissent, hiems adeo fuit mollis et lenis, quod per glaciem transitum sicut alis annis minime habuerunt. Et sic multi magni viri suis votis frustrati perdiderunt labores similiter et expensas.

And in the same place, after they had lain for a long time waiting for the ice, the winter was so soft and mild that they had not at all a transit over the ice as in other years. And thus many great men, frustrated in their vows, lost their labors likewise and their expenses.

Capitulum XVII.

Chapter 17.

Reversi sunt itaque domini prenominati et quisque eorum ad terram suam direxit gressus suos. Rex autem Cracovie et Bolco dux malignum fraudulenter conflaverunt consilium, qualiter Johannem regem et Karolum in eorum reditu de Prussia possent capere et post multas contumelias usque ad extremum denarium depactare. Ipsi autem talium insidiarum ignari, rex Johannes cum suis per marchiam Brandenburgensem et Lusaciam transeundo versus comitatum Lucemburgensem se recepit, Karolus vero vitare non potuit, quin oporteret eum per regis Cracovie terram versus Vratislaviam necessario remeare.

Thus the aforesaid lords returned, and each of them directed his steps to his own land. But the king of Cracow and Duke Bolko fraudulently concocted a malignant counsel, how they might seize King John and Charles on their return from Prussia, and, after many contumelies, fleece them down to the last denarius. They, however, unaware of such ambuscades, King John with his men, passing through the March of Brandenburg and Lusatia, retired toward the county of Luxembourg; but Charles could not avoid that he must of necessity return through the land of the king of Cracow toward Wrocław.

Venit itaque in civitatem Calis, ubi procurante rege Cracovie irretitus fuit insidiis, non ut tanquam hostis publicus capi deberet, sed ne civitatem exiret clanculo custodiri. Quod statim dum Karolus intelligeret, finxit se huiusmodi non sentire custodiam, sed dixit: se ibidem velle pausacionis gracia per dies aliquot permanere. Misit itaque ad capitaneum Vratislaviensem nuncium pedestrem, insinuando sibi totius facti ordinem seriatim.

He therefore came into the city of Calis, where, by the contrivance of the king of Cracow, he was ensnared by ambushes—not so that he ought to be seized as though a public enemy, but to be guarded clandestinely lest he leave the city. Which, as soon as Charles understood, he pretended not to perceive such custody, but said that he wished to remain there for some days for the sake of repose. He sent therefore to the Vratislavian captain a foot-messenger, insinuating to him seriatim the order of the whole affair.

Qui statim cum trecentis armatis prope civitatem Calis ad unum milliare pervenit, valentemque spadonem Karolo ante portam civitatis transmisit. Quem Karolus satis sagaciter, sicut per nuncium, quem in Vratislaviam transmiserat, edoctus fuit, tentavit, adductum itaque caballum ascendit et celeri cursu ad suos, qui de Vratislavia ad eripiendum eum venerant, citius perrexit. Dum igitur rex Cracovie intellexisset, quod Karolus suos sic evasisset laqueos, totam eius familiam, que post eum in Calis remanserat, captivari mandavit, quam postea, ex quo Karolum, sicut decreverat, retinere non potuit, absolutam abire permisit.

Who immediately arrived with three hundred armed men to within one mile near the city of Calis, and sent to Charles before the city gate a stalwart eunuch. Whom Charles, quite sagaciously, as he had been instructed through the messenger whom he had sent to Vratislavia, tested; accordingly, a horse having been led up, he mounted, and at a swift course went more quickly to his own men, who had come from Vratislavia to snatch him away. When therefore the king of Krakow understood that Charles had thus escaped his snares, he ordered his whole household, which had remained after him in Calis, to be captured; which afterwards, since he was not able to retain Charles as he had decreed, he permitted to depart released.

Post hec rex dictus Cazimirus civitatem Stynaviam ad territorium Vratislaviense spectantem obsedit et expugnavit. Ubi multa enormia deflorando virgines et civium uxores deturpando commisit. Quod cum Johanni, regi Boemie, qui tunc super alveum Rheni moram traxit, insinuatum fuisset, statim in Boemiam venit, et congregato exercitu civitatem Swidnitz obsedit et suburbio eius depopulato et territorio eius in magna parte destructo civitatem Landeshute expugnavit et devicit.

After these things the king named Casimir besieged and took by storm the city of Stynavia, pertaining to the Wrocław territory. There he committed many enormities, deflowering virgins and dishonoring the wives of citizens. When this had been conveyed to John, king of Bohemia, who was then drawing out a stay upon the course of the Rhine, he came at once into Bohemia, and, an army having been gathered, besieged the city of Swidnitz; and, its suburb laid waste and its territory for the greater part destroyed, he stormed and vanquished the city of Landeshute.

Et quia ipse dux Swidnicensis illas insidias et machinaciones iniquas, quibus Karolus in Calis, sicut superius narratum, extitit detentus, dolose et nequiter procuravit, rex Johannes et Karolus decem septimanas in terra dicti ducis iacentes, ea hostili prede in vindictam perpetrati criminis exposita in Boemiam redierunt.

And because the duke of Swidnica himself deceitfully and wickedly procured those ambushes and iniquitous machinations by which Charles at Calis, as narrated above, was detained, King John and Charles, encamped for 17 weeks in the land of the said duke, with it laid open to hostile plunder in vengeance for the perpetrated crime, returned into Bohemia.

Capitulum XVIII.

Chapter 18.

Hiis itaque gestis, non longo temporis spacio transacto Ludovicus Bavarus, qui se imperatorem nominavit, cum rege Ungarie, duce Austrie, rege Cracovie, marchione Misnensi et duce Suidnicensi fortem super Johannem, regem Boemie, et Karolum, marchionem Moravie, ligam construxerunt, qui omnes dictum Johannem et Karolum in una septimana suis litteris diffidarunt, volentes eos invadere et tanquam eorum capitales persequi inimicos. Super quibus novis rex Johannes territus sollempnes suos nuncios, videlicet dominum Nicolaum de Lucemburg, suum intimum consiliarium, et dominum Henricum thesaurarium de Niuemburg, suum protonotarium, misit ad Ludovicum, ut cum eo ad tractandum de concordia aut treugis inter eos statuendis ad aliquem terminum conveniret. Qui simpliciter respondit: quod nullas cum eo vellet habere treugarum inducias nec aliqua cum eo querere concordio parlamenta.

These things having thus been done, with no long span of time elapsed, Louis the Bavarian, who styled himself emperor, together with the king of Hungary, the duke of Austria, the king of Krakow, the margrave of Meissen, and the duke of Świdnica, constructed a strong league against John, king of Bohemia, and Charles, margrave of Moravia; and all of them, within one week, by their letters issued defiance to the said John and Charles, wishing to invade them and to pursue them as their capital enemies. At which news King John, terrified, sent his solemn envoys—namely Lord Nicholas of Luxembourg, his inmost counselor, and Lord Henry, treasurer of Nuremberg, his protonotary—to Louis, that he might agree to meet with him to treat concerning concord or truces to be established between them for some term. He simply replied that he wished to have no truces whatsoever with him, nor to seek any parliaments for concord with him.

Johannes vero rex hoc audito, dixit: "In nomine domini, quanto plures habuerimus inimicos, tanto plura spolia et predas capiemus; et ego iuro per dominum Jesum Christum, quod quicumque eorum me primus invaserit, hunc taliter obruam, quod omnes alii terrebuntur."

John, however, the king, on hearing this, said: "In the name of the Lord, the more enemies we shall have, the more spoils and prey we shall capture; and I swear by the Lord Jesus Christ that whoever of them first assails me, him I will overwhelm in such a manner that all the others will be terrified."

Post hoc non longo tempore transacto Cazimirus, rex Cracovie, Nicolai, ducis Opavie, civitatem nomine Saar invasit et hostiliter obsedit. Qui statim ad regem Johannem in Pragam misit et ut aliquot viros armatos, quorum adiutorio civitatem suam per regem Cazimirum circumvalatam posset liberare, transmitteret, instantissime supplicavit. Rex Johannes hoc audito letabundo respondit animo: nullam sibi velle transmittere gentem, sed intra quatuor dies sibi velle in adiutorium venire propria in persona cum multitudine maxima armatorum.

After this, with not a long time having passed, Casimir, king of Cracow, invaded and hostilely besieged the city named Saar belonging to Nicholas, duke of Opava. He immediately sent to King John in Prague and most urgently supplicated that he would send several armed men, by whose aid he might be able to free his city encompassed by King Casimir. King John, on hearing this, responded with a rejoicing mind: that he was unwilling to send any host, but that within four days he wished to come to his aid in his own person with a very great multitude of armed men.

Statim rex Johannes omnibus regni Boemie baronibus in unum convocatis, omnibus audientibus dixit: "Ecce viri nobiles et strenui et fideles dilecti, oportet, ut regnum nostrum et patriam contra nos et vos iniuriose insultantes gladio et armis defendamus. Et quoniam iste Cazimirus, Cracovie rex, nobis in contumeliam regni nostri Boemie et corone vasallum et principem Nicolaum, ducem Opavie, hostiliter invasit, in quo maiestatem nostram graviter reputamus offensam, nec leviter ferre debemus, quod gravem paciuntur offensam, qui se pacis et tranquillitatis gracia nostro dominio subdiderunt. Ne ergo nobis pigricie ascribatur segnicies et ociose quietis sompnolencia impingatur, volumus et mandamus vobis singulis et singulariter universis, ut statim arma capiatis, ad bellum expediti sine mora nos sequamini ad propulsandam illius stultam proterviam, qui principem et vasallum nostrum presumsit invadere, qui nostra defensione potitus merito deberet pacis tranquillitate gaudere." Barones vero ad regis verba responderunt: "Domine rex, de iure nostro existit et ab antiquis temporibus inviolabiliter observatum, quod extra regnum non debemus armis proficisci, sed intra regni limites ipsum regnum contra eos, qui hoc hostiliter invadere conantur, pro viribus defendere et tueri." Quibus rex dixit: "Ducatus Opavie sicut alii Polonie ducatus ad regem Boemie et coronam regni respectum habere dignoscitur; unde ego accinctus ad iter iam vado districte et omnino visurus, quis vestrum tali captus temeritatis audacia et presumcione temera, ut retro me manere presumat." Itaque rex Johannes eadem nocte cum quingentis galeatis de montibus Chuthnis, ubi talia verba cum baronibus regni habuit, recessit et ad ducem Nicolaum de Opavia die et nocte festinanter properavit.

Immediately King John, having called together into one all the barons of the kingdom of Bohemia, said in the hearing of all: "Behold, noble and strenuous men and beloved faithful, it is needful that we defend our kingdom and fatherland with sword and arms against those who unjustly assault us and you. And since this Casimir, king of Cracow, to the contumely of our kingdom of Bohemia and of the crown, has hostilely invaded our vassal and prince Nicholas, duke of Opava—in which we judge our majesty to be gravely offended—neither ought we lightly to bear that they suffer a grave offense who have subjected themselves to our dominion for the sake of peace and tranquility. Lest therefore sluggishness of sloth be ascribed to us and the sleepiness of idly quiet repose be imputed, we will and we command you each and, individually, all, that you at once take up arms, made ready for war without delay follow us, to repel that man’s foolish insolence who has presumed to invade our prince and vassal, who, having obtained our defense, ought by merit to rejoice in the tranquility of peace." But the barons to the king’s words replied: "Lord king, it stands in our law and has from ancient times been inviolably observed that we ought not to set out in arms outside the kingdom, but within the limits of the kingdom to defend and guard the kingdom itself, against those who attempt to invade it in hostile fashion, to the utmost of our strength." To whom the king said: "The duchy of Opava, just as the other duchies of Poland, is recognized to have regard to the king of Bohemia and to the crown of the kingdom; wherefore I, girt for the journey, now go, strictly and utterly determined to see which of you, seized by such rash audacity and rash presumption, would presume to remain behind me." And so King John that same night with five hundred helmeted men departed from the Chuthni mountains, where he had held such words with the barons of the kingdom, and hastened day and night with all speed to Duke Nicholas of Opava.

Et statim secuti sunt eum barones et regni nobiles universi, et antequam ad dictum ducem veniret, habuit duo millia galeatorum exceptis sagittariis et aliis decenter armatis. Quos nobilis Czenko de Lippa cum trecentis armatis cicius currendo prevenit et cum Ungaris et aliis, qui de [Cazimiri] regis mandato ducis civitatem obsederant, bellum fervidum instauravit, quos fugam capientes usque in civitatem Cracoviam insecutus est. Et in eadem fuga trecenti Ungari interfecti sunt et sexaginta viri nobiles captivati.

And immediately the barons and all the nobles of the kingdom followed him, and before he came to the said duke he had 2,000 helmeted men-at-arms, besides the archers and others properly armed. These a noble, Czenko of Lippa, by running more swiftly anticipated with 300 armed men, and with the Hungarians and others who by the mandate of King [Casimir] had besieged the duke’s city he renewed a fervid battle, and pursuing them as they took to flight he followed them even to the city of Krakow. And in that same rout 300 Hungarians were slain and 60 noble men were taken captive.

Reliquos vero sic insequebatur avide, ut ipse et magna pars suorum ipsam civitatem intrarent animo furibundo; qui cancello turris demisso, fuerunt in ipsa civitate retenti. Rex vero Johannes hec valde ferebat amaro animo, quod ipse disturbio tali non interfuit, quia civitatem sine omni resistencia acquisisset. Statim tamen eodem die Cracoviam cum magno obsedit exercitu, et iacendo ibidem totam terram depopulatis suburbiis parte maxima devastavit.

He pursued the rest so avidly that he himself and a great part of his men, with a furibund spirit, entered the city itself; but when the tower’s portcullis was let down, they were held within the city itself. King John bore these things with a very bitter mind, because he had not been present at such a disturbance, since he would have acquired the city without any resistance. Immediately, however, on the same day he besieged Kraków with a great army, and by encamping there he devastated the whole land, having plundered the suburbs, for the most part.

Tunc Cazimirus, rex Cracovie, nunciavit regi Johanni, ut ad evitandum multarum personarum pericula secum solo solus in stuba clauderetur, et quis ibi alium vinceret, suum propositum de eo obtineret. Et quia rex Johannes omnino tunc excecatus erat, nunciavit sibi: quod se excecare faceret, tunc paribus armis libentissime vellet intrare duellum. Post hoc petente Kazimiro statim fuerunt treugarum trium septimanarum inter eos inducie procurate.

Then Casimir, king of Cracow, notified King John that, to avoid the dangers of many persons, he should be shut up with him, one alone with one alone, in the stuba; and whoever there should conquer the other would obtain his purpose concerning him. And because King John was altogether at that time blinded, he sent word to him that he should have himself blinded; then, with equal arms, he would most gladly wish to enter the duel. After this, at Casimir’s request, terms of a truce of three weeks were immediately arranged between them.

Quibus pendentibus tota inimiciciarum materia fuit complanata, ita ut Karolus, marchio Moravie, de decem marcarum millibus argenti, que sibi dudum Cazimirus in mutuo concesserat, quietus dimitteretur omnimodo et solutus. Et sic extincta dissensionis materia fuit inter eos pacis tranquillitas posita et firmata. In qua quidem pacis firmacione omnes isti principes, qui prius ipsum regem Johannem et Karolum, marchionem Moravie, diffidaverant, fuerunt unanimiter comprehensi.

While these things were pending, the whole matter of enmities was smoothed out, such that Charles, Margrave of Moravia, from the ten thousand marks of silver which Casimir had long since granted to him as a loan, was in every way released and fully discharged. And thus, the matter of dissension having been extinguished, the tranquillity of peace was set and confirmed between them. In this establishment of peace, all those princes who previously had defied King John and Charles, Margrave of Moravia, were unanimously included.

Capitulum XIX.

Chapter 19.

Post hoc Ludovicus Bavarus sollempnem suam ambasiatam ad regem Johannem et Karolum misit instanter petendo, ut secum ad parlamenti conveniret terminum: vellet enim sibi de universis iniuriis et violenciis, quibus Johannes, filius suus, per Ludovicum, filium suum, in ablacione uxoris et comitatus Tyrolis dampnificatus esset, integraliter satisfacere et condignam reddere recompensam. Qui quidem placitorum terminus fuit super die certo coram Trevirensi [archi]episcopo, qui regis Johannis patruus erat, in Treviris constitutus, ad quem quidem terminum multi domini et viri magnifici ad regis Johannis partem convenerunt, qui super re magna magnos habuerunt tractatus, quia sic facti enormitas et perpetrati criminis execrabilis immanitas requirebat. A seculo quippe non est auditum, ut magnus generosusque princeps et dominus tam nobili terra et uxore propria machinacione iniqua et proditorio consilio sic nequiter privaretur.

After this Louis the Bavarian sent his solemn ambassage to King John and to Charles, urgently requesting that they should meet with him at the term of the parliament: for he wished that he should make to him full satisfaction and render condign recompense for all the injuries and violences by which John, his son, had been damnified by Louis, his son, in the ablation of his wife and of the County of Tyrol. Now that term of the pleadings was appointed on a set day before the Archbishop of Trier, who was King John’s paternal uncle, established in Trier; to which term many lords and magnificent men assembled on King John’s side, who had great deliberations about the great matter, because thus the enormity of the deed and the execrable immanity of the perpetrated crime required. For from the age it has not been heard that a great and well-born prince and lord should be so wickedly deprived, by iniquitous machination and traitorous counsel, of so noble a land and of his own wife.

Multis itaque examinatis consiliis, productum fuit in medium, quod Johanni, qui de comitatu Tyrolis et aliis suis dominiis maligno et fraudulento consilio per suos eiectus et expulsus fuerat, nullatenus competeret nec honorificum existeret, ut comitatum Tyrolis et alia sua dominia reingrederetur denuo, nec uxorem reassumeret, quam taliter adulterii turpitudine pollutam nunquam posset amplius dulcibus fovere amplexibus, nec affectu uxorico sine abhominacionis nausea, sicut ordo coniugalis exigit, adamare. Tandem ad hoc deventum exstitit, quod Ludovicus de Bavaria se ad hoc detulit, quod regi Johanni et filio suo, qui de dominiis suis, ut prefertur, relegatus extiterat, vellet dare terram Lusacie, utputa Gorlicz et Budissyn civitates, que cum totis dominiis et universis suis pertinenciis regno Boemie incorporari debeant totis futuris temporibus permansure. Insuper viginti millia marcarum puri argenti, pro quibus Berlin, Brandeburg et Stendal civitates marchio obligare vellet cum universis et singulis proventibus, utilitatibus et usufructibus ad ipsas civitates pertinentibus, tam diu per regem Johannem aut filium eius Johannem tenendas, possidendas et utifruendas, donec ipsa viginti millia marcarum in parata pecunia in civitate Pragensi totaliter solveretur.

Therefore, many counsels having been examined, it was brought forth into the midst that it would by no means be fitting nor would it stand as honorable for John—who from the County of Tyrol and his other dominions had been ejected and expelled by the malign and fraudulent counsel of his own people—to re-enter again the County of Tyrol and his other dominions, nor to reassume his wife, whom, thus defiled by the turpitude of adultery, he could never any more cherish with sweet embraces, nor love with wifely affection without a nausea of abomination, as the conjugal order requires. At length it came down to this: that Louis of Bavaria submitted himself to this—that to King John and to his son, who, as aforesaid, had been relegated from his dominions, he would be willing to give the land of Lusatia, to wit the cities of Gorlicz and Budissyn, which, with all their dominions and all their appurtenances, ought to be incorporated into the kingdom of Bohemia, to remain for all future times. Moreover, twenty thousand marks of pure silver, for which the margrave would be willing to obligate the cities of Berlin, Brandenburg, and Stendal, with all and singular the revenues, utilities, and usufructs pertaining to those cities, to be held, possessed, and enjoyed in usufruct by King John or his son John, until those twenty thousand marks should be totally paid in ready money in the city of Prague.

Quam quidem ordinacionem rex Johannes amplexatus est. Sed postquam ad Karolum, marchionem Moravie, et Johannem filios suos perduceretur, noluerunt in eadem consentire, dicentes: Si pater noster arripuerit istas pecunias, disperget eas inter Rinenses Henkinos, et sic decepti manebimus et illusi. Dum itaque Ludovicus intellexisset, quod regis Johannis filii ipsam ordinacionem acceptare noluissent nec eorum litteris firmare, totum quod tractatum et ordinatum fuit, remansit irritum et inane.

Which arrangement King John embraced. But after it had been brought before his sons Charles, margrave of Moravia, and John, they were unwilling to consent to the same, saying: If our father should seize upon this money, he will scatter it among the Rhenish Henkinos, and thus we will remain deceived and deluded. Therefore, when Louis had learned that the sons of King John were unwilling to accept that arrangement nor to confirm it with their letters, the whole that had been treated and ordained remained null and void.

De quo Ludovicus Bavarus valde fuit territus et ultra modum quam dici poterit, stupefactus, et suspicatus est mali eventus esse omen, quod filii regis Johannis ordinacionem per magnos principes maturis et providis dispositam et ordinatam consiliis et per patrem eorum acceptatam acceptare renuunt et amplecti, sic animose et mente superba contradicunt.

Concerning this Louis the Bavarian was very much terrified and, beyond a measure that can be told, stupefied; and he suspected it to be an omen of an evil outcome, that the sons of King John refuse to accept and to embrace the ordination arranged and ordained by great princes with mature and provident counsels and accepted by their father, and that they thus contradict it so spiritedly and with a proud mind.

Capitulum XX.

Chapter 20.

Post hoc rex Johannes intravit curiam Avinionis ad papam Benedictum et cum eo practicavit in tantum, ut ipse coram omnibus electoribus vocatis insinuaret, qualiter Ludovicus de Bavaria non esset verus imperator, cum ipse staret contra sacrosanctam Romanam ecclesiam, christianitatis matrem, et quendam fratrem Minorum ad coronandum se in papam posuisset. Et sic statim electores ad eleccionem procedentes, Karolum, marchionem Moravie, in regem Romanorum felicibus auspiciis elegerunt.

After this King John entered the curia of Avignon to Pope Benedict and negotiated with him to such an extent that he intimated before all the electors, having been called together, how Louis of Bavaria was not the true emperor, since he stood against the most holy Roman Church, the mother of Christendom, and had set up a certain Friar Minor as pope to crown him. And thus at once the electors, proceeding to the election, chose Charles, margrave of Moravia, as King of the Romans with happy auspices.